who are to try him, and if there be any one who will
not concur in finding him guilty, he is discharged
of course. I am sorry to tell you that Bollman
was Burr’s right hand man in all his guilty
schemes. On being brought to prison here, he communicated
to Mr. Madison and myself the whole of the plans,
always, however, apologetically for Burr as far as
they would bear. But his subsequent tergiversations
have proved him conspicuously base. I gave him
a pardon, however, which covers him from every thing
but infamy. I was the more astonished at his
engaging in this business, from the peculiar motives
he should have felt for fidelity. When I came
into the government, I sought him out on account of
the services he has rendered you, cherished him, offered
him two different appointments of value, which, after
keeping them long under consideration, he declined
for commercial views, and would have given him any
thing for which he was fit. Be assured he is unworthy
of ever occupying again the care of any honest man.
Nothing has ever so strongly proved the innate force
of our form of government, as this conspiracy.
Burr had probably engaged one thousand men to follow
his fortunes, without letting them know his projects,
otherwise than by assuring them the government approved
of them. The moment a proclamation was issued,
undeceiving them, he found himself left with about
thirty desperadoes only. The people rose in mass
wherever he was or was suspected to be, and by their
own energy the thing was crushed in one instant, without
its having been necessary to employ a man of the military
but to take care of their respective stations.
His first enterprise was to have been to seize New
Orleans, which he supposed would powerfully bridle
the upper country, and place him at the door of Mexico.
It is with pleasure I inform you that not a single
native Creole, and but one American of those settled
there before we received the place, took any part
with him. His partisans were the new emigrants
from the United States and elsewhere, fugitives from
justice or debt, and adventurers and speculators of
all descriptions.
I enclose you a proclamation, which will show you
the critical footing on which we stand, at present,
with England. Never, since the battle of Lexington,
have I seen this country in such a state of exasperation
as at present. And even that did not produce such
unanimity. The federalists themselves coalesce
with us as to the object, although they will return
to their old trade of condemning every step we take
towards obtaining it. ‘Reparation for the
past, and security for the future,’ is our motto.
Whether these will be yielded freely, or will require
resort to non-intercourse, or to war, is yet to be
seen. We have actually near two thousand men
in the field, covering the exposed parts of the coast,
and cutting off supplies from the British vessels.
I am afraid I have been very unsuccessful in my endeavors
to serve Madame de Tesse in her taste for planting.
A box of seeds, &c. which I sent her in the close
of 1805, was carried with the vessel into England,
and discharged so late that I fear she lost their benefit,
for that season. Another box, which I prepared
in the autumn of 1806, has, I fear, been equally delayed
from other accidents. However, I will persevere
in my endeavors.