Baring, the British banker, asked leave of the minister
to purchase the debt and furnish the money to France,
the minister declared to him, that so far from throwing
obstacles in the way, if there were any difficulty
in the payment of the money, it was the interest of
Great Britain to aid it. 4. He speaks of a double
set of opinions and principles; the one ostensible,
to go on the journals and before the public, the other
efficient, and the real motives to action. But
where are these double opinions and principles?
The executive informed the legislature of the wrongs
of Spain, and that preparation should be made to repel
them, by force, if necessary. But as it might
still be possible to negotiate a settlement, they
asked such means as might enable them to meet the
negotiation, whatever form it might take. The
first part of this system was communicated publicly,
the second, privately; but both were equally official,
equally involved the responsibility of the executive,
and were equally to go on the journals. 5. That
the purchase of the Floridas was in direct opposition
to the views of the executive, as expressed in the
President’s official communication. It was
not in opposition even to the public part of the communication,
which did not recommend war, but only to be prepared
for it. It perfectly harmonized with the private
part, which asked the means of negotiation in such
terms as covered the purchase of Florida as evidently
as it was proper to speak it out. He speaks of
secret communications between the executive and members,
of backstairs influence, &tc.. But he never spoke
of this while he and Mr. Nicholson enjoyed it almost
solely. But when he differed from the executive
in a leading measure, and the executive, not submitting
to him, expressed their sentiments to others, the
very sentiments (to wit, for the purchase of Florida),
which he acknowledges they expressed to him, then
he roars out upon backstairs influence. 6. The
committee, he says, forbore to recommend offensive
measures. Is this true? Did not they recommend
the raising ------- regiments? Besides, if it
was proper for the committee to forbear recommending
offensive measures, was it not proper for the executive
and legislature to exercise the same forbearance?
7. He says Monroe’s letter had a most important
bearing on our Spanish relations. Monroe’s
letter related, almost entirely, to our British relations.
Of those with Spain he knew nothing particular since
he left that country. Accordingly, in his letter
he simply expressed an opinion on our affairs with
Spain, of which he knew we had better information
than he could possess. His opinion was no more
than that of any other sensible man; and his letter
was proper to be communicated with the English papers,
and with them only. That the executive did not
hold it up on account of any bearing on Spanish affairs,
is evident from the fact, that it was communicated
when the Senate had not yet entered on the Spanish
affairs, and had not yet received the papers relating
to them from the other House. The moment the
Representatives were ready to enter on the British
affairs, Monroe’s letter, which peculiarly related
to them, and was official solely as to them, was communicated
to both Houses, the Senate being then about entering
on the Spanish affairs.