the Assumption, and argued that it had not increased the debt, for that all of it was honest debt.  He justified the excise-law, as one of the best laws which could be passed, as nobody would pay the tax who did not choose to do it.  With respect to the increase of the debt by the Assumption, I observed to him, that what was meant and objected to was, that it increased the debt of the General Government, and carried it beyond the possibility of payment.  That if the balances had been settled, and the debtor States directed to pay their deficiencies to the creditor States, they would have done it easily, and by resources of taxation in their power, and acceptable to the people; by a direct tax in the south, and an excise in the north.  Still, he said, it would be paid by the people.  Finding him decided, I avoided entering into argument with him on those points.

Bladensburg, October the 1st, 1792.  This morning, at Mount Vernon, I had the following conversation with the President.  He opened it by expressing his regret at the resolution in which I appeared so fixed, in the letter I had written him, of retiring from public affairs.  He said, that he should be extremely sorry that I should do it, as long as he was in office, and that he could not see where he should find another character to fill my office.  That as yet, he was quite undecided whether to retire in March or not.  His inclinations led him strongly to do it.  Nobody disliked more the ceremonies of his office, and he had not the least taste or gratification in the execution of its functions.  That he was happy at home alone, and that his presence there was now peculiarly called for by the situation of Major Washington, whom he thought irrecoverable, and should he get well, he would remove into another part of the country, which might better agree with him.  That he did not believe his presence necessary; that there were other characters who would do the business as well or better.  Still, however, if his aid was thought necessary to save the cause to which he had devoted his life principally, he would make the sacrifice of a longer continuance.  That he therefore reserved himself for future decision, as his declaration would be in time if made a month before the day of election.  He had desired Mr. Lear to find out from conversation, without appearing to make the inquiry, whether any other person would be desired by any body.  He had informed him, he judged from conversations that it was the universal desire he should continue, and he believed that those who expressed a doubt of his continuance, did it in the language of apprehension, and not of desire.  But this, says he, is only from the north; it may be very different in the south.  I thought this meant as an opening to me to say what was the sentiment in the south, from which quarter I came.  I told him, that as far as I knew, there was but one voice there, which was for his continuance.  That as to myself, I had ever preferred the pursuits