it can be obtained consistently with order.  Therefore, whoever by his writings disturbs the present order of things, is really blameable, however pure his intentions may be, and he was sure Mr. Adams’s were pure.’  This is the substance of a declaration made in much more lengthy terms, and which seemed to be more formal than usual for a private conversation between two, and as if intended to qualify some less guarded expressions which had been dropped on former occasions.  Th:  Jefferson has committed it to writing in the moment of A. Hamilton’s leaving the room.

December the 25th, 1791.  Colonel Gunn (of Georgia), dining the other day with Colonel Hamilton, said to him, with that plain freedom he is known to use, ’I wish, Sir, you would advise your friend King to observe some kind of consistency in his votes.  There has been scarcely a question before the Senate on which he has not voted both ways.  On the representation bill, for instance, he first voted for the proposition of the Representatives, and ultimately voted against it.’  ‘Why,’ says Colonel Hamilton, ’I ’ll tell you as to that, Colonel Gunn, that it never was intended that bill should pass.’  Gunn told this to Butler, who told it to Th:  Jefferson.

*****

CONVERSATIONS WITH THE PRESIDENT.

February the 28th, 1792.  I was to have been with him long enough before three o’clock (which was the hour and day he received visits) to have opened to him a proposition for doubling the velocity of the post-riders, who now travel about fifty miles a day, and might, without difficulty, go one hundred, and for taking measures (by way-bills) to know where the delay is, when there is any.  I was delayed by business, so as to have scarcely time to give him the outlines.  I run over them rapidly, and observed afterwards, that I had hitherto never spoken to him on the subject of the post-office, not knowing whether it was considered as a revenue law, or a law for the general accommodation of the citizens:  that the law just passed seemed to have removed the doubt, by declaring that the whole profits of the office should be applied to extending the posts, and that even the past profits should be refunded by the Treasury for the same purpose:  that I therefore conceived it was now in the department of the Secretary of State:  that I thought it would be advantageous so to declare it for another reason, to wit, that the department of the Treasury possessed already such an influence as to swallow up the whole executive powers, and that even the future Presidents (not supported by the weight of character which himself possessed) would not be able to make head against this department.  That in urging this measure I had certainly no personal interest, since, if I was supposed to have any appetite for power, yet, as my career would certainly be exactly as short as his own, the intervening time was too short to be an object.  My real wish was to avail the public of every occasion, during the residue of the President’s period, to place things on a safe footing.  He was now called on to attend his company, and he desired me to come and breakfast with him the next morning.