in writing to you.  But although our speculations might be intrusive, our prayers cannot but be acceptable, and mine are sincerely offered for the well-being of France.  What government she can bear, depends not on the state of science, however exalted, in a select band of enlightened men, but on the condition of the general mind.  That, I am sure, is advanced and will advance, and the last change of government was fortunate, inasmuch as the new will be less obstructive to the effects of that advancement.  For I consider your foreign military oppression as an ephemeral obstacle only.

Here all is quiet.  The British war has left us in debt; but that is a cheap price for the good it has done us.  The establishment of the necessary manufactures among ourselves, the proof that our government is solid, can stand the shock of war, and is superior even to civil schism, are precious facts for us; and of these the strongest proofs were furnished, when, with four eastern States tied to us, as dead to living bodies, all doubt was removed as to the achievements of the war, had it continued.  But its best effect has been the complete suppression of party.  The federalists who were truly American, and their great mass was so, have separated from their brethren who were mere Anglomen, and are received with cordiality into the republican ranks.  Even Connecticut, as a State, and the last one expected to yield its steady habits (which were essentially bigoted in politics as well as religion), has chosen a republican governor, and republican legislature.  Massachusetts indeed still lags; because most deeply involved in the parricide crimes and treasons of the war.  But her gangrene is contracting, the sound flesh advancing on it, and all there will be well.  I mentioned Connecticut as the most hopeless of our States.  Little Delaware had escaped my attention.  That is essentially a Quaker State, the fragment of a religious sect which, there, in the other States, in England, are a homogeneous mass, acting with one mind, and that directed by the mother society in England.  Dispersed, as the Jews, they still form, as those do, one nation, foreign to the land they live in.  They are Protestant Jesuits, implicitly devoted to the will of their superior, and forgetting all duties to their country in the execution of the policy of their order.  When war is proposed with England, they have religious scruples; but when with France, these are laid by, and they become clamorous for it.  They are, however, silent, passive, and give no other trouble than of whipping them along.  Nor is the election of Monroe an inefficient circumstance in our felicities.  Four and twenty years, which he will accomplish, of administration in republican forms and principles, will so consecrate them in the eyes of the people as to secure them against the danger of change.  The evanition of party dissensions has harmonized intercourse, and sweetened society beyond imagination.  The war then has done us all this good, and the further one of assuring the world, that although attached to peace from a sense of its blessings, we will meet war when it is made necessary.