Your letter of August the 16th is just received.  That which I wrote to you under the address of H. Tompkinson, was intended for the author of the pamphlet you were so kind as to send me, and therefore, in your hands, found its true destination.  But I must beseech you, Sir, not to admit a possibility of its being published.  Many good people will revolt from its doctrines, and my wish is to offend nobody; to leave to those who are to live under it, the settlement of their own constitution, and to pass in peace the remainder of my time.  If those opinions are sound, they will occur to others, and will prevail by their own weight, without the aid of names.  I am glad to see that the Staunton meeting has rejected the idea of a limited convention.  The article, however, nearest my heart, is the division of the counties into wards.  These will be pure and elementary republics, the sum of all which, taken together, composes the State, and will make of the whole a true democracy as to the business of the wards, which is that of nearest and daily concern.  The affairs of the larger sections, of counties, of States, and of the Union, not admitting personal transaction by the people, will be delegated to agents elected by themselves; and representation will thus be substituted, where personal action becomes impracticable.  Yet, even over these representative organs, should they become corrupt and perverted, the division into wards constituting the people, in their wards, a regularly organized power, enables them by that organization to crush, regularly and peaceably, the usurpations of their unfaithful agents, and rescues them from the dreadful necessity of doing it insurrectionally.  In this way we shall be as republican as a large society can be; and secure the continuance of purity in our government, by the salutary, peaceable, and regular control of the people.  No other depositories of power have ever yet been found, which did not end in converting to their own profit the earnings of those committed to their charge.  George the III., in execution of the trust confided to him, has, within his own day, loaded the inhabitants of Great Britain with debts equal to the whole fee-simple value of their island, and under pretext of governing it, has alienated its whole soil to creditors who could lend money to be lavished on priests, pensions, plunder, and perpetual war.  This would not have been so, had the people retained organized means of acting on their agents.  In this example, then, let us read a lesson for ourselves, and not ‘go, and do likewise.’

Since writing my letter of July the 12th, I have been told, that on the question of equal representation, our fellow-citizens in some sections of the State claim peremptorily a right of representation for their slaves.  Principle will, in this, as in most other cases, open the way for us to correct conclusion.  Were our State a pure democracy, in which all its inhabitants should meet together to transact all their