it settles unanswerably the right of instructing representatives,
and their duty to obey. The system of banking
we have both equally and ever reprobated. I contemplate
it as a blot left in all our constitutions, which,
if not covered, will end in their destruction, which
is already hit by the gamblers in corruption, and is
sweeping away in its progress the fortunes and morals
of our citizens. Funding I consider as limited,
rightfully, to a redemption of the debt within the
lives of a majority of the generation contracting it;
every generation coming equally, by the laws of the
Creator of the world, to the free possession of the
earth he made for their subsistence, unincumbered by
their predecessors, who, like them, were but tenants
for life. You have successfully and completely
pulverized Mr. Adams’s system of orders, and
his opening the mantle of republicanism to every government
of laws, whether consistent or not with natural right.
Indeed, it must be acknowledged, that the term republic
is of very vague application in every language.
Witness the self-styled republics of Holland, Switzerland,
Genoa, Venice, Poland. Were I to assign to this
term a precise and definite idea, I would say, that,
purely and simply, it means a government by its citizens
in mass, acting directly and personally, according
to rules established by the majority: and that
every other government is more or less republican,
in proportion as it has in its composition more or
less of this ingredient of the direct action of the
citizens. Such a government is evidently restrained
to very narrow limits of space and population.
I doubt if it would be practicable beyond the extent
of a New England township. The first shade from
this pure element, which, like that of pure vital air,
cannot sustain life of itself, would be where the
powers of the government, being divided, should be
exercised each by representatives chosen by the citizens
either pro hac vice, or for such short terms
as should render secure the duty of expressing the
will of their constituents. This I should consider
as the nearest approach to a pure republic, which is
practicable on a large scale of country or population.
And we have examples of it in some of our State constitutions,
which, if not poisoned by priestcraft, would prove
its excellence over all mixtures with other elements;
and, with only equal doses of poison, would still
be the best. Other shades of republicanism may
be found in other forms of government, where the executive,
judiciary, and legislative functions, and the different
branches of the latter, are chosen by the people more
or less directly, for longer terms of years, or for
life, or made hereditary; or where there are mixtures
of authorities, some dependent on, and others independent
of the peopje. The further the departure from
direct and constant control by the citizens, the less
has the government of the ingredient of republicanism;
evidently none where the authorities are hereditary,
as in France, Venice, &c. or self-chosen, as in Holland;
and little, where for life, in proportion as the life
continues in being after the act of election.