with an unprepared people, a tyranny still, of the
many, the few, or the one. Possibly you may remember,
at the date of the jeu de paume, how earnestly
I urged yourself and the patriots of my acquaintance
to enter then into a compact with the King, securing
freedom of religion, freedom of the press, trial by
jury, habeas corpus, and a national legislature, all
of which it was known he would then yield, to go home,
and let these work on the amelioration of the condition
of the people, until they should have rendered them
capable of more, when occasions would not fail to
arise for communicating to them more. This was
as much as I then thought them able to bear, soberly
and usefully for themselves. You thought otherwise,
and that the dose might still be larger. And I
found you were right; for subsequent events proved
they were equal to the constitution of 1791.
Unfortunately, some of the most honest and enlightened
of our patriotic friends (but closet politicians merely,
unpractised in the knowledge of man) thought more
could still be obtained and borne. They did not
weigh the hazards of a transition from one form of
government to another, the value of what they had
already rescued from those hazards, and might hold
in security if they pleased, nor the imprudence of
giving up the certainty of such a degree of liberty,
under a limited monarch, for the uncertainty of a
little more under the form of a republic. You
differed from them. You were for stopping there,
and for securing the constitution which the National
Assembly had obtained. Here, too, you were right;
and from this fatal error of the republicans, from
their separation from yourself and the constitutionalists,
in their councils, flowed all the subsequent sufferings
and crimes of the French nation. The hazards
of a second change fell upon them by the way.
The foreigner gained time to anarchize by gold the
government he could not overthrow by arms, to crush
in their own councils the genuine republicans, by the
fraternal embraces of exaggerated and hired pretenders,
and to turn the machine of Jacobinism from the change
to the destruction of order: and, in the end,
the limited monarchy they had secured was exchanged
for the unprincipled and bloody tyranny of Robespierre,
and the equally unprincipled and maniac tyranny of
Bonaparte. You are now rid of him, and I sincerely
wish you may continue so. But this may depend
on the wisdom and moderation of the restored dynasty.
It is for them now to read a lesson in the fatal errors
of the republicans; to be contented with a certain
portion of power, secured by formal compact with the
nation, rather than, grasping at more, hazard all upon
uncertainty, and risk meeting the fate of their predecessor,
or a renewal of their own exile. We are just
informed, too, of an example which merits, if true,
their most profound contemplation. The gazettes
say, that Ferdinand of Spain is dethroned, and his
father re-established on the basis of their new constitution.