it improper to betray his voluntary communication to the agents of Spain.  Although his measures were many days in preparation at New York, we never had the least intimation or suspicion of his engaging men in his enterprise, until he was gone; and I presume the secrecy of his proceedings kept them equally unknown to the Marquis Yrujo at Philadelphia, and the Spanish Consul at New York, since neither of them gave us any information of the enlistment of men, until it was too late for any measures taken at Washington to prevent their departure.  The officer in the Customs, who participated in this transaction with Miranda, we immediately removed, and should have had him and others further punished, had it not been for the protection given them by private citizens at New York, in opposition to the government, who, by their impudent falsehoods and calumnies, were able to overbear the minds of the jurors.  Be assured, Sir, that no motive could induce me, at this time, to make this declaration so gratuitously, were it not founded in sacred truth:  and I will add further, that I never did, or countenanced, in public life, a single act inconsistent with the strictest good faith; having never believed there was one code of morality for a public, and another for a private man.

I receive, with great pleasure, the testimonies of personal esteem which breathe through your letter; and I pray you to accept those equally sincere with which I now salute you.

Th:  Jefferson.

LETTER LXXXV.—­TO ALBERT GALLATIN, October 11, 1809

TO ALBERT GALLATIN.

Monticello, October 11, 1809.

Dear Sir,

I do not know whether the request of Monsieur Moussier, explained in the enclosed letter, is grantable or not.  But my partialities in favor of whatever may promote either the useful or liberal arts, induce me to place it under your consideration, to do in it whatever is right, neither more nor less.  I would then ask you to favor me with three lines, in such form as I may forward him by way of answer.

I have reflected much and painfully on the change of dispositions which has taken place among the members of the cabinet, since the new arrangement, as you stated to me in the moment of our separation.  It would be, indeed, a great public calamity, were it to fix you in the purpose which you seemed to think possible.  I consider the fortunes of our republic as depending, in an eminent degree, on the extinguishment of the public debt before we engage in any war:  because, that done, we shall have revenue enough to improve our country in peace, and defend it in war, without recurring either to new taxes or loans.  But if the debt should once more be swelled to a formidable size, its entire discharge will be despaired of, and we shall be committed to the English career of debt, corruption, and rottenness, closing with revolution.  The discharge of the debt, therefore, is vital to