The remonstrance laments ’that a change in the administration must produce a change in the subordinate officers;’ in other words, that it should be deemed necessary for all officers to think with their principal?  But on whom does this imputation bear?  On those who have excluded from office every shade of opinion which was not theirs?  Or on those who have been so excluded?  I lament sincerely that unessential differences of opinion should ever have been deemed sufficient to interdict half the society from, the rights and the blessings of self-government, to proscribe them as unworthy of every trust.  It would have been to me a circumstance of great relief, had I found a moderate participation of office in the hands of the majority.  I would gladly have left to time and accident to raise them to their just share.  But their total exclusion calls for prompter corrections.  I shall correct the procedure:  but that done, return with joy to that state of things, when the only questions concerning a candidate shall be, Is he honest?  Is he capable?  Is he faithful to the constitution?

I tender you the homage of my high respect.

Th:  Jefferson.

LETTER CCLXXXIX.—­TO LEVI LINCOLN, August 26, 1801

TO LEVI LINCOLN.

Monticello, August 26, 1801.

Dear Sir,

Your favor of July the 28th was received here on the 20th instant.  The superscription of my letter of July the 11th, by another hand, was to prevent danger to it from the curious.  Your statement respecting the Berceau coincided with my own recollection, in the circumstances recollected by me, and I concur with you in supposing it may not now be necessary to give any explanations on the subject in the papers.  The purchase was made by our predecessors, and the repairs begun by them.  Had she been to continue ours, we were authorized to put and keep her in good order out of the fund of the naval contingencies, and when in good order, we obeyed a law of the land, the treaty, in giving her up.  It is true the treaty was not ratified; but when ratified it is validated retrospectively.  We took on ourselves this risk, but France had put more into our hands on the same risk.  I do not know whether the clamor, as to the allowance to the French officers of their regular pay, has been rectified by a statement that it was on the request of the French Consul, and his promise to repay it.  So that they cost the United States, on this arrangement, nothing.

I am glad to learn from you that the answer to New Haven had a good effect in Massachusetts on the republicans, and no ill effects on the sincere federalists.  I had foreseen, years ago, that the first republican President who should come into office after all the places in the government had become exclusively occupied by federalists, would have a dreadful operation to perform.  That the republicans would consent to