I have no doubt the wonderful turn in the public opinion
now manifestly taking place and rapidly increasing,
will, in the course of this summer, become so universal
and so weighty, that friendship abroad and freedom
at home will be firmly established by the influence
and constitutional powers of the people at large.
If we are forced into war, we must give up political
differences of opinion, and unite as one man to defend
our country. But whether at the close of such
a war, we should be as free as we are now, God knows.
In fine, if war takes place, republicanism has every
thing to fear; if peace, be assured that your forebodings
and my alarms will prove vain; and that the spirit
of our citizens now rising as rapidly as it was then
running crazy, and rising with a strength and majesty
which show the loveliness of freedom, will make this
government in practice, what it is in principle, a
model for the protection of man in a state of freedom
and order. May Heaven have in store for your
country a restoration of these blessings, and you
be destined as the instrument it will use for that
purpose. But if this be forbidden by fate, I
hope we shall be able to preserve here an asylum where
your love of liberty and disinterested patriotism will
be for ever protected and honored, and where you will
find in the hearts of the American people, a good
portion of that esteem and affection which glow in
the bosom of the friend who writes this; and who with
sincere prayers for your health, happiness, and success,
and cordial salutations, bids you, for this time,
adieu.
Th: Jefferson.
LETTER CCLI.—TO JAMES MADISON, February 26, 1799
TO JAMES MADISON.
Philadelphia, February 26, 1799.
Dear Sir,
My last to you was of the 19th; it acknowledged yours
of the 8th. In mine I informed you of the nomination
of Murray. There is evidence that the letter
of Talleyrand was known to one of the Secretaries,
therefore probably to all; the nomination, however,
is declared by one of them to have been kept secret
from them all. He added, that he was glad of it,
as, had they been consulted, the advice would have
been against making the nomination. To the rest
of the party, however, the whole was a secret till
the nomination was announced. Never did a party
show a stronger mortification, and consequently, that
war had been their object. Dana declared in debate
(as I have from those who were present) that we had
done every thing which might provoke France to war;
that we had given her insults which no nation ought
to have borne; and yet she would not declare war.
The conjecture as to the executive is, that they received
Talleyrand’s letter before or about the meeting
of Congress: that not meaning to meet the overture
effectually, they kept it secret, and let all the
war measures go on; but that just before the separation
of the Senate, the President, not thinking he could