colleague Marshall, with a view to their being made public, dropped into their laps.  It was truly a God-send to them, and they made the most of it.  Many thousands of copies were printed and dispersed gratis, at the public expense; and the zealots for war co-operated so heartily, that there were instances of single individuals who printed and dispersed ten or twelve thousand copies at their own expense.  The odiousness of the corruption supposed in those papers excited a general and high indignation among the people.  Unexperienced in such manoeuvres, they did not permit themselves even to suspect that the turpitude of private swindlers might mingle itself unobserved, and give its own hue to the communications of the French government, of whose participation there was neither proof nor probability.  It served, however, for a time, the purpose intended.  The people, in many places, gave a loose to the expressions of their warm indignation, and of their honest preference of war to dishonor.  The fever was long and successfully kept up, and in the mean time, war measures as ardently crowded.  Still, however, as it was known that your colleagues were coming away, and yourself to stay, though disclaiming a separate power to conclude a treaty, it was hoped by the lovers of peace, that a project of treaty would have been prepared, ad referendum, on principles which would have satisfied our citizens, and overawed any bias of the government towards a different policy.  But the expedition of the Sophia, and, as was supposed, the suggestions of the person charged with your despatches, and his probable misrepresentations of the real wishes of the American people, prevented these hopes.  They had then only to look forward to your return for such information, either through the executive, or from yourself, as might present to our view the other side of the medal.  The despatches of October 22nd, 1797, had presented one face.  That information, to a certain degree, is now received, and the public will see from your correspondence with Talleyrand, that France, as you testify, ’was sincere and anxious to obtain a reconciliation, not wishing us to break the British treaty, but only to give her equivalent stipulations; and in general, was disposed to a liberal treaty.’  And they will judge whether Mr. Pickering’s report shows an inflexible determination to believe no declarations the French government can make, nor any opinion which you, judging on the spot and from actual view, can give of their sincerity, and to meet their designs of peace with operations of war.  The alien and sedition acts have already operated in the south as powerful sedatives of the X. Y. Z. inflammation.  In your quarter, where violations of principle are either less regarded or more concealed, the direct tax is likely to have the same effect, and to excite inquiries into the object of the enormous expenses and taxes we are bringing on.  And your information supervening, that we might have a liberal accommodation