a consciousness of their falsehood, and observing that the suggestions came from hostile quarters, I considered them as intended merely to excite public odium against me.  I never in my life exchanged a word with any person on the subject, till I found my name brought forward generally, in competition with that of Mr. Adams.  Those with whom I then communicated, could say, if it were necessary, whether I met the call with desire, or even with a ready acquiescence, and whether from the moment of my first acquiescence, I did not devoutly pray that the very thing might happen which has happened.  The second office of this government is honorable and easy, the first is but a splendid misery.

You express apprehensions that stratagems will be used, to produce a misunderstanding between the President and myself.  Though not a word having this tendency has ever been hazarded to me by any one, yet I consider as a certainty that nothing will be left untried to alienate him from me.  These machinations will proceed from the Hamiltonians by whom he is surrounded, and who are only a little less hostile to him than to me.  It cannot but damp the pleasure of cordiality, when we suspect that it is suspected.  I cannot help thinking, that it is impossible for Mr. Adams to believe that the state of my mind is what it really is; that he may think I view him as an obstacle in my way.  I have no supernatural power to impress truth on the mind of another, nor he any to discover that the estimate which he may form, on a just view of the human mind as generally constituted, may not be just in its application to a special constitution.  This may be a source of private uneasiness to us; I honestly confess that it is so to me at this time.  But neither of us is capable of letting it have effect on our public duties.  Those who may endeavor to separate us, are probably excited by the fear that I might have influence on the executive councils:  but when they shall know that I consider my office as constitutionally confined to legislative functions, and that I could not take any part whatever in executive consultations, even were it proposed, their fears may perhaps subside, and their object be found not worth a machination.

I do sincerely wish with you, that we could take our stand on a ground perfectly neutral and independent towards all nations.  It has been my constant object through my public life:  and with respect to the English and French, particularly, I have too often expressed to the former my wishes, and made to them propositions verbally and in writing, officially and privately, to official and private characters, for them to doubt of my views, if they would be content with equality.  Of this they are in possession of several written and formal proofs, in my own hand-writing.  But they have wished a monopoly of commerce and influence with us; and they have in fact obtained it.  When we take notice that theirs is the workshop to which we go for all we want; that with them centre either