increase their numbers and fettering the measures of the majority, than by joining the Commons.  An intrigue was set on foot, between the leaders of the majority in that House, the Queen, and Princes.  They persuaded the King to go for some time to Marly:  he went.  On the same day, the leaders moved in the chamber of Nobles, that they should address the King, to declare his own sentiments on the great question between the orders.  It was intended that this address should be delivered to him at Marly, where, separated from his ministers, and surrounded by the Queen and Princes, he might be surprised into a declaration for the Nobles.  The motion was lost, however, by a very great majority, that chamber being not yet quite ripe for throwing themselves into the arms of despotism.  Necker and Montmorin, who had discovered this intrigue, had warned some of the minority to defeat it, or they could not answer for what would happen.  These two and St. Priest, are the only members of the Council in favor of the Commons.  Luzerne, Puy-Segur, and the others, are high aristocrats.  The Commons having verified their powers, a motion was made the day before yesterday, to declare themselves constituted, and to proceed to business.  I left them at two o’clock yesterday; the debates not then finished.  They differed only about forms of expression, but agreed in the substance, and probably decided yesterday, or will decide to-day.  Their next move, I fancy, will be to suppress all taxes, and instantly re-establish them till the end of their session, in order to prevent a premature dissolution:  and then they will go to work on a declaration of rights and a constitution.  The Noblesse, I suppose, will be employed altogether in counter operations; the Clergy, that is to say, the higher Clergy, and such of the Cures as they can bring over to their side, will be waiting and watching, merely to keep themselves in their saddles.  Their deportment, hitherto, is that of meekness and cunning.  The fate of the nation depends on the conduct of the King and his ministers.  Were they to side openly with the Commons, the revolution would be completed without a convulsion, by the establishment of a constitution, tolerably free, and in which the distinction of Noble and Commoner would be suppressed.  But this is scarcely possible.  The King is honest, and wishes the good of his people; but the expediency of an hereditary aristocracy is too difficult a question for him.  On the contrary, his prejudices, his habits, and his connections decide him in his heart to support it.  Should they decide openly for the Noblesse, the Commons, after suppressing taxes, and finishing their declaration of rights, would probably go home; a bankruptcy takes place in the instant, Mr. Necker must go out, a resistance to the tax-gatherers follows, and probably a civil war.  These consequences are too evident and violent, to render this issue likely.  Though the Queen and Princes are infatuated enough