But I am much farther from that of the anti-federalists.  I approved, from the first moment, of the great mass of what is in the new constitution; the consolidation of the government; the organization into executive, legislative, and judiciary; the subdivision of the legislative; the happy compromise of interests between the great and little States, by the different manner of voting in the different Houses; the voting by persons instead of States; the qualified negative on laws given to the executive, which, however, I should have liked better if associated with the judiciary also, as in New York; and the power of taxation.  I thought at first that the latter might have been limited.  A little reflection soon convinced me it ought not to be.  What I disapproved from the first moment, also, was the want of a bill of rights, to guard liberty against the legislative as well as executive branches of the government; that is to say, to secure freedom in religion, freedom of the press, freedom from monopolies, freedom from unlawful imprisonment, freedom from a permanent military, and a trial by jury, in all cases determinable by the laws of the land.  I disapproved, also, the perpetual re-eligibility of the President.  To these points of disapprobation I adhere.  My first wish was, that the nine first conventions might accept the constitution, as the means of securing to us the great mass of good it contained, and that the four last might reject it, as the means of obtaining amendments.  But I was corrected in this wish, the moment I saw the much better plan of Massachusetts, and which had never occurred to me.  With respect to the declaration of rights, I suppose the majority of the United States are of my opinion:  for I apprehend all the anti-federalists, and a very respectable proportion of the federalists, think that such a declaration should now be annexed.  The enlightened part of Europe have given us the greatest credit for inventing this instrument of security for the rights of the people, and have been not a little surprised to see us so soon give it up.  With respect to the re-eligibility of the President, I find myself differing from the majority of my countrymen; for I think there are but three States of the eleven which have desired an alteration of this.  And, indeed, since the thing is established, I would wish it not to be altered during the life of our great leader, whose executive talents are superior to those, I believe, of any man in the world, and who, alone, by the authority of his name, and the confidence reposed in his perfect integrity, is fully qualified to put the new government so under way, as to secure it against the efforts of opposition.  But having derived from our error all the good there was in it, I hope we shall correct it, the moment we can no longer have the same name at the helm.