subscribers, that is, to themselves.  Finding that they would not raise money for any other purposes, without being pushed, I wrote the letter I enclose you.  They answer, as I have stated, by refusing to pay, alleging the appropriation of Congress.  I have written again to press them further, and to propose to them the payment of thirty thousand florins only, for the case of our captives, as I am in hopes this may do.  In the close of my letter to them, you will observe I refer them, as to the article of foreign officers, to the board of treasury.  I had, in truth, received the printed journals a few days before, but had not yet had time to read them carefully, and, particularly, had not then noted the vote of Congress of August the 20th, directing me to attend to that article.  I shall not fail to do what I can in it; but I am afraid they will consider this also as standing on the same ground with the other contingent articles.

This country, being generally engaged in its elections, affords nothing new and worthy of communication.  The hopes of accommodation between Turkey and the two empires do not gain strength.  The war between Russia and Denmark on the one hand, and Sweden on the other, is likely also to go on, the mediation of England being rendered of little force by the accident to its Executive.  The progress of this war, and also of the broils in Poland, may possibly draw the King of Prussia into it during the ensuing campaign:  and it must, before it be finished, take in this country, and perhaps England.  The ill humor on account of the Dutch revolution continues to rankle here.  They have recalled their ambassador from the Hague, manifestly to show their dissatisfaction with that court, and some very dry memorials have lately been exchanged on the subject of the money this country assumed to pay the Emperor for the Dutch.  I send you very full extracts of these, which will show you the dispositions of the two courts towards each other.  Whether, and when this country will be able to take an active part, will depend on the issue of their States General.  If they fund their public debts judiciously, and will provide further funds for a war, on the English plan, 1 believe they will be able to borrow any sums they please.  In the mean time, the situation of England will leave them at leisure to settle their internal affairs well.  That ministry, indeed, pretend their King is perfectly re-established.  No doubt they will make the most of his amendment, which is real, to a certain degree.  But as, under pretence of this, they have got rid of the daily certificate of the physicians, and they are possessed of the King’s person, the public must judge hereafter from such facts only as they can catch.  There are several at present, which, put together, induce a presumption that the King is only better, not well.  And should he be well, time will be necessary to give a confidence, that it is not merely a lucid interval.  On the whole, I think we may conclude that that country will not take a part in the war this year, which was by no means certain before.