I trouble you with the copy of a letter from Schweighauser and Dobree, on a subject with which I am quite unacquainted.  Their letter to Congress of November the 30th, 1780, gives their state of the matter.  How far it be true and just, can probably be ascertained from Dr. Franklin, Dr. Lee, and other gentlemen now in America.  I shall be glad to be honored with the commands of Congress on this subject.  I have inquired into the state of the arms, mentioned in their letter to me.  The principal articles were about thirty thousand bayonets, fifty thousand gunlocks, thirty cases of arms, twenty-two cases of sabres, and some other things of little consequence.  The quay at Nantes having been overflowed by the river Loire, the greatest part of these arms was under water, and they are now, as I am informed, a solid mass of rust, not worth the expense of throwing them out of the warehouse, much less that of storage.  Were not their want of value a sufficient reason against reclaiming the property of these arms, it rests with Congress to decide, whether other reasons are not opposed to this reclamation.  They were the property of a sovereign body, they were seized by an individual, taken cognizance of by a court of justice, and refused, or at least not restored by the sovereign, within whose State they had been arrested.  These are circumstances which have been mentioned to me.  Doctor Franklin, however, will be able to inform Congress, with precision, as to what passed on this subject.  If the information I have received be any thing like the truth, the discussion of this matter can only be with the court of Versailles.  It would be very delicate, and could have but one of two objects; either to recover the arms, which are not worth receiving, or to satisfy us on the point of honor.  Congress will judge how far the latter may be worth pursuing against a particular ally, and under actual circumstances.  An instance, too, of acquiescence on our part under a wrong, rather than disturb our friendship by altercations, may have its value in some future case.  However, I shall be ready to do in this what Congress shall be pleased to direct.

I enclose the despatches relative to the Barbary negotiation, received since my last.  It is painful to me to overwhelm Congress and yourself continually with these voluminous papers.  But I have no right to suppress any part of them, and it is one of those cases, where, from a want of well digested information, we must be contented to examine a great deal of rubbish, in order to find a little good matter.

The gazettes of Leyden and France, to the present date, accompany this, which, for want of direct and safe opportunities, I am obliged to send by an American gentleman, by the way of London.  The irregularity of the French packets has diverted elsewhere the tide of passengers who used to furnish me occasions of writing to you, without permitting my letters to go through the post-office.  So that when the packets go now, I can seldom write by them.