Memoir, Correspondence, And Miscellanies, From The Papers Of Thomas Jefferson, Volume 2 eBook

This eBook from the Gutenberg Project consists of approximately 770 pages of information about Memoir, Correspondence, And Miscellanies, From The Papers Of Thomas Jefferson, Volume 2.

Memoir, Correspondence, And Miscellanies, From The Papers Of Thomas Jefferson, Volume 2 eBook

This eBook from the Gutenberg Project consists of approximately 770 pages of information about Memoir, Correspondence, And Miscellanies, From The Papers Of Thomas Jefferson, Volume 2.
I send you some papers, which indicate symptoms of resistance.  These are the resolution of the Noblesse of Brittany, the declaration of the Advocate General of Provence, which is said to express the spirit of that province; and the Arrete of the Chatelet, which is the hustings-court of the city of Paris.  Their refusal to act under the new character assigned them, and the suspension of their principal functions, are very embarrassing.  The clamors this will excite, and the disorders it may admit, will be loud, and near to the royal ear and person.  The parliamentary fragments permitted to remain, have already some of them refused, and probably all will refuse, to act under that form.  The assembly of the clergy which happens to be sitting, have addressed the King to call the States General immediately.  Of the Dukes and Peers (thirty-eight in number), nearly half are either minors or superannuated; two thirds of the acting half seem disposed to avoid taking a part; the rest, about eight or nine, have refused, by letters to the King, to act in the new courts.  A proposition excited among the Dukes and Peers, to assemble and address the King for a modification of the Plenary court, seems to show that the government would be willing to compromise on that head.  It has been prevented by the Dukes and Peers in opposition, because they suppose that no modification to be made by the government will give to that body the form they desire, which is that of a representative of the nation.  They foresee that if the government is forced to this, they will call them, as nearly as they can, in the ancient forms; in which case, less good will be to be expected from them.  But they hope they may be got to concur in a declaration of rights, at least, so that the nation may be acknowledged to have some fundamental rights, not alterable by their ordinary legislature, and that this may form a ground-work for future improvements.  These seem to be the views of the most enlightened and disinterested characters of the opposition.  But they may be frustrated by the nation’s making no cry at all, or by a hasty and premature appeal to arms.  There is neither head nor body in the nation, to promise a successful opposition to two hundred thousand regular troops.  Some think the army could not be depended on by the government; but the breaking men to military discipline, is breaking their spirits to principles of passive obedience.  A firm, but quiet opposition, will be the most likely to succeed.  Whatever turn this crisis takes, a revolution in their constitution seems inevitable, unless foreign war supervene, to suspend the present contest.  And a foreign war they will avoid, if possible, from an inability to get money.  The loan of one hundred and twenty millions, of the present year, is filled up by such subscriptions as may be relied on.  But that of eighty millions, proposed for the next year, cannot be filled up, in the actual situation of things.

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