of war, the naming as Generalissimo of their marine on the Atlantic, Monsieur de Suffrein, on the Mediterranean, Monsieur Albert de Rioms, the recalling Monsieur de St. Priest, their ambassador, from Antwerp, before he had reached the Hague, and the activity of their armies by sea.  On the other hand, the little movement by land would make one suppose they expected to put the King of Prussia into other hands.  They too, like the Emperor, are arranging matters at home.  The rigorous levy of the deux vingtiemes is enregistered, the stamp act and impot territorial are revoked, the parliament recalled, the nation soothed by these acts, and inspired by the insults of the British court.  The part of the Council still leaning towards peace are become unpopular, and perhaps may feel the effects of it.  No change in the administration has taken place since my last, unless we may consider as such, Monsieur Cabarrus’s refusal to stand in the lines.  Thinking he should be forced to follow, too seriously, plans formed by others, he has declined serving.

Should this war take place, as is quite probable, and should it be as general as it threatens to be, our neutrality must be attended with great advantages.  Whether of a nature to improve our morals or our happiness, is another question.  But is it sure that Great Britain, by her searches, her seizures, and other measures for harassing us, will permit us to preserve our neutrality?  I know it may be argued, that the land-war, which she would superadd to her sea-war, by provoking us to join her enemies, should rationally hold her to her good behavior with us.  But since the accession of the present monarch, has it not been passion, and not reason, which, nine times out of ten, has dictated her measures?  Has there been a better rule of prognosticating what he would do, than to examine what he ought not to do?  When I review his dispositions and review his conduct, I have little hope of his permitting our neutrality.  He will find subjects of provocation in various articles of our treaty with France, which will now come into view, in all their consequences, and in consequences very advantageous to the one, and injurious to the other country.  I suggest these doubts, on a supposition that our magazines are not prepared for war, and in the opinion that provisions for that event should be thought of.

The enclosed letter from Mr. Dumas came to me open, though directed to you.  I immediately waited on the ambassadors, ordinary and extraordinary, of Holland, and the envoy of Prussia, and prayed them to interest themselves to have his person, his family, and his goods protected.  They promised me readily to do it, and have written accordingly; I trust it will be with effect.  I could not avoid enclosing you the letter from Monsieur Bouebe, though I have satisfied him he is to expect nothing from Congress for his inventions.  These are better certified than most of those things are; but if time stamps their worth, time will give them to us.  He expects no further answer.  The gazettes of Leyden and France to this date accompany this, which will be delivered you by the Count de Moustier, Minister Plenipotentiary from this country.