times the sum required by Tripoli will be necessary to accomplish a peace with the whole; that is to say, about two hundred and forty thousand guineas.  The continuance of this peace will depend on their idea of our power to enforce it, and on the life of the particular Dey, or other head of the government, with whom it is contracted.  Congress will, no doubt, weigh these circumstances against the expense and probable success of compelling a peace by arms.  Count d’Estaing having communicated to me verbally some information as to an experiment formerly made by this country, I shall get him to put it into writing, and I will forward it to Congress, as it may aid them in their choice of measures.  However, which plan is most eligible can only be known to yourselves, who are on the spot, and have under your view all the difficulties of both.  There is a third measure, that of abandoning the Mediterranean carriage to other nations.

With respect to England, no arrangements can be taken.  The merchants were certainly disposed to have consented to accommodation, as to the article of debts.  I was not certain, when I left England, that they would relinquish the interest during the war.  A letter received since, from the first character among the American merchants in Scotland, satisfies me they would have relinquished it, to insure the capital and residue of interest.  Would to heaven, all the States, therefore, would settle a uniform plan.  To open the courts to them, so that they might obtain judgments; to divide the executions into so many equal annual instalments, as that the last might be paid in the year 1790; to have the payments in actual money; and to include the capital, and interest preceding and subsequent to the war, would give satisfaction to the world, and to the merchants in general.  Since it is left for each nation to pursue their own measures, in the execution of the late treaty, may not Congress, with propriety, recommend a mode of executing that article respecting the debts, and send it to each State to be passed into law?  Whether England gives up the posts or not, these debts must be paid, or our character stained with infamy among all nations, and through all time.  As to the satisfaction for slaves carried off, it is a bagatelle, which, if not made good before the last instalment becomes due, may be secured out of that.

I formerly communicated the overtures for a treaty, which had been made by the imperial ambassador.  The instructions from Congress being in their favor, and Mr. Adams’s opinion also, I encouraged them.  He expected his full powers when I went to England.  Yet I did not think, nor did Mr. Adams, that this was of importance enough to weigh against the objects of that journey.  He received them soon after my departure, and communicated it to me on my return, asking a copy of our propositions.  I gave him one, but observed, our commission had then but a few days to run.  He desired I should propose to Congress