tries to shift it from himself.  The known bias of the human mind from motives of interest should lessen the confidence of each party in the justice of their reasoning:  but it is difficult to say, which of them should make the sacrifice, both of reason and interest.  Our conferences were intended as preparatory to some arrangement.  It is uncertain how far we should have been able to accommodate our opinions.  But the absolute aversion of the government to enter into any arrangement prevented the object from being pursued.  Each country is left to do justice to itself and to the other, according to its own ideas as to what is past; and to scramble for the future as well as they can:  to regulate their commerce by duties and prohibitions, and perhaps by cannons and mortars; in which event, we must abandon the ocean, where we are weak, leaving to neutral nations the carriage of our commodities; and measure with them on land, where they alone can lose.  Farewell, then, all our useful improvements of canals and roads, reformations of laws, and other rational employments.  I really doubt, whether there is temper enough, on either side, to prevent this issue of our present hatred.  Europe is, at this moment, without the appearance of a cloud.  The death of the King of Prussia, daily expected, may raise one.  My paper admonishes me, that, after asking a continuance of your favors, it is time for me to conclude with assurances of the esteem with which I am,

Dear Sir, your friend and servant,

Th:  Jefferson.

LETTER XIV.—­TO T. PLEASANTS, May 8,1786

TO T. PLEASANTS.

Paris, May 8,1786.

Dear Sir,

At the time of the receipt of your favor of October the 24th, the contract between the Farmers General and Mr. Morris, for tobacco, was concluded, and in a course of execution.  There was no room, therefore, to offer the proposals which accompanied your letter.  I was, moreover, engaged in endeavors to have the monopoly, in the purchase of this article, in this country, suppressed.  My hopes on that subject are not desperate, but neither are they flattering.  I consider it as the most effectual means of procuring the full value of our produce, of diverting our demands for manufactures from Great Britain to this country, to a certain amount, and of thus producing some equilibrium in our commerce, which at present lies all in the British scale.  It would cement an union with our friends, and lessen the torrent of wealth which we are pouring into the laps of our enemies.  For my part, I think that the trade with Great Britain is a ruinous one to ourselves; and that nothing would be an inducement to tolerate it, but a free commerce with their West Indies:  and that this being denied to us, we should put a stop to the losing branch.  The question is, whether they are right in their prognostications, that we have neither resolution nor union enough for