of occasioning a regret, which will endure as long as your building does.  How is a taste for a chaste and good style of building to be formed in our countrymen, unless we seize all occasions which the erection of public buildings offers, of presenting to them models for their imitation?  Do, my dear Sir, exert your influence to stay the further progress of the work, till you can receive these plans.  You will only lose the price of laying what bricks are already laid, and of taking part of them asunder.  They will do again for the inner walls.  A plan for a prison will be sent at the same time.

Mazzei is here, and in pressing distress for money.  I have helped him as far as I have been able, but particular circumstances put it out of my power to do more.  He is looking with anxiety to the arrival of every vessel, in hopes of relief through your means.  If he does not receive it soon, it is difficult to foresee his fate.

The quiet which Europe enjoys at present, leaves nothing to communicate to you in the political way.  The Emperor and Dutch still differ about the quantum of money to be paid by the latter; they know not for what.  Perhaps their internal convulsions will hasten them to a decision.  France is improving her navy, as if she were already in a naval war:  yet I see no immediate prospect of her having occasion for it.  England is not likely to offer war to any nation, unless, perhaps, to ours.  This would cost us our whole shipping:  but in every other respect, we might flatter ourselves with success.  But the most successful war seldom pays for its losses.  I shall be glad to hear from you when convenient, and am, with much esteem, Dear Sir,

your friend and servant,

Th:  Jefferson.

LETTER CXI.—­TO JOHN ADAMS, September 24, 1785

TO JOHN ADAMS.

Paris, September 24, 1785.

Dear Sir,

I have received your favor of the 18th, enclosing your compliments on your presentation.  The sentiments you therein expressed, were such as were entertained in America till the commercial proclamation, and such as would again return, were a rational conduct to be adopted by Great Britain.  I think, therefore, you by no means compromitted yourself or our country, nor expressed more than it would be our interest to encourage, if they were disposed to meet us.  I am pleased, however, to see the answer of the King.  It bears the marks of suddenness and surprise, and as he seems not to have had time for reflection, we may suppose he was obliged to find his answer in the real sentiments of his heart if that heart has any sentiment.  I have no doubt however that it contains the real creed of an Englishman, and that the word which he has let escape is the true word of the enigma.  ’The moment I see such sentiments as yours prevail, and a disposition to give this country the preference, I will,’ &c.  All this I steadfastly believe.  But the condition is impossible.  Our interest calls for a perfect equality in our conduct towards these two nations; but no preferences any where.  If, however, circumstances should ever oblige us to show a preference, a respect for our character, if we had no better motive, would decide to which it should be given.