I am not at all acquainted with Mr. Daniel Parker, farther than having once seen him in Philadelphia.  He is of Massachusetts, I believe, and I am of Virginia.  His circumstances are utterly unknown to me.  I think there are few men in America, if there is a single one, who could command a hundred thousand pounds’ sterling worth of these notes, at their real value.  At their nominal amount, this might be done perhaps with twenty-five thousand pounds sterling, if the market price of them be as low as when I left America.  I am with very great respect, Gentlemen,

your most obedient, humble servant,

Th:  Jefferson.

LETTER LXXXII.—­TO JOHN ADAMS, July 31, 1785

TO JOHN ADAMS.

Paris, July 31, 1785.

Dear Sir,

I was honored yesterday with yours of the 24th instant.  When the first article of our instructions of May 7th, 1784, was under debate in Congress, it was proposed that neither party should make the other pay, in their ports, greater duties, than they paid in the ports of the other.  One objection to this was, its impracticability; another, that it would put it out of our power to lay such duties on alien importation as might encourage importation by natives.  Some members, much attached to English policy, thought such a distinction should actually be established.  Some thought the power to do it should be reserved, in case any peculiar circumstances should call for it, though under the present, or perhaps, any probable circumstances, they did not think it would be good policy ever to exercise it.  The footing gentis amicissimae was therefore adopted, as you see in the instruction.  As far as my inquiries enable me to judge, France and Holland make no distinction of duties between aliens and natives.  I also rather believe that the other states of Europe make none, England excepted, to whom this policy, as that of her navigation act, seems peculiar.  The question then is, should we disarm ourselves of the power to make this distinction against all nations, in order to purchase an exemption from the alien duties in England only; for if we put her importations on the footing of native, all other nations with whom we treat will have a right to claim the same.  I think we should, because against other nations, who make no distinction in their ports between us and their own subjects, we ought not to make a distinction in ours.  And if the English will agree, in like manner, to make none, we should, with equal reason, abandon the right as against them.  I think all the world would gain, by setting commerce at perfect liberty.  I remember that when we were digesting the general form of our treaty, this proposition to put foreigners and natives on the same footing, was considered:  and we were all three, Dr. Franklin as well as you and myself, in favor of it.  We finally, however, did not admit it, partly from the