to their rank, the article admits that separation.  And these are the circumstances which must have been under the contemplation of the parties; both of whom, and all the world beside (who are ultimate judges in the case), would still understand that they were to be as near in the environs of the camp, as convenient quarters could be procured; and not that the qualification of the article destroyed the article itself and laid it wholly at our discretion.  Congress, indeed, have admitted of this separation; but are they so far lords of right and wrong as that our consciences may be quiet with their dispensation?  Or is the case amended by saying they leave it optional in the Governor and Council to separate the troops or not?  At the same time that it exculpates not them, it is drawing the Governor and Council into a participation in the breach of faith.  If indeed it is only proposed, that a separation of the troops shall be referred to the consent of their officers; that is a very different matter.  Having carefully avoided conversation with them on public subjects, I cannot say, of my own knowledge, how they would relish such a proposition.  I have heard from others, that they will choose to undergo any thing together, rather than to be separated, and that they will remonstrate against it in the strongest terms.  The Executive, therefore, if voluntary agents in this measure, must be drawn into a paper war with them, the more disagreeable, as it seems that faith and reason will be on the other side.  As an American, I cannot help feeling a thorough mortification, that our Congress should have permitted an infraction of our public honor; as a citizen of Virginia, I cannot help hoping and confiding, that our supreme Executive, whose acts will be considered as the acts of the Commonwealth, estimate that honor too highly to make its infraction their own act.  I may be permitted to hope, then, that if any removal takes place, it will be a general one:  and, as it is said to be left to the Governor and Council to determine on this, I am satisfied, that, suppressing every other consideration, and weighing the matter dispassionately, they will determine upon this sole question, Is it for the benefit of those for whom they act, that, the Convention troops should be removed from among them?  Under the head of interest, these circumstances, viz. the expense of building barracks, said to have been L25,000, and of removing the troops backwards and forwards, amounting to I know not how much, are not to be pre-termitted, merely because they are Continental expenses; for we are a part of the Continent; we must pay a shilling of every dollar wasted.  But the sums of money, which, by these troops, or on their account, are brought into, and expended in this State, are a great and local advantage.  This can require no proof.  If, at the conclusion of the war, for instance, our share of the Continental debt should be twenty millions of dollars, or say that we are called on to furnish an annual quota of