If that claim is sound, if the efforts of America to create better machinery for securing peace and for generously and humanely vindicating the liberties and happiness of nations and of the individuals who make them up do entitle America to a voice, and a potent voice, in the work of mending and remaking the world after this terrific catastrophe, then I would submit with all respect that it is really idle to wait till all the recognized principles of what has been held to be right or wrong as between nations, and what has been held to be right or wrong in the methods of conducting war have gone overboard, without one word of protest; we must save the world first, if we are to have a real chance of remaking it on lines which are worth having.

Nothing but good could come from immediate action by the American Executive to assert as they, best of all nations, could assert, now and at once in terms uncompromising, unanswerable, that the ground taken up by international consent in the past generation must be held now and hereafter, and accepted as an essential basis of the final settlement.

Such a pronouncement now by America would make a landmark in history—­would render a measureless service to the whole world in emancipation from the persistent degradation of the twin doctrines that might makes right, and that necessity knows no law, and would bring to America herself imperishable honor and glory in the fearless assertion and eternal consecration of her own noblest ideals.

I would submit further that such a national declaration by America involves no violation of neutrality, and is in no sense inconsistent with the spirit of official utterances already made.

To take the latter first—­we have had notable utterances from the President and from the ex-President.

President Wilson seems to have given a sympathetic hearing to the mission which laid the case of Belgium before him, both as to the violation of Belgium’s neutrality and as to the cruel treatment of the non-combatant population and the wanton destruction of towns and villages and of precious historical monuments.  He is understood to have promised an investigation, and it is gathered from the Independance Belge this week that this investigation has been, and is being, carried out by American Military Attaches in Belgium, and also at the London Embassy of the United States.

Again, President Wilson’s recent letter to the Kaiser, while confirming neutrality in precise terms, went on to intimate that there must be a “day of settlement” and that “where injustices have found a place results are sure to follow, and all those who have been found at fault will have to answer for them.”  If the “general settlement” does not sufficiently determine this, there is the ultimate sanction of “the opinion of mankind” which will “in such cases interfere.”  He would apparently reserve judgment until the end of the war, but in no way disclaims or surrenders American responsibility.