“had it also in mind, but thought that Russia ought not to oppose operations like those impending, which did not aim at territorial aggrandizement, and which could no longer be postponed.”

[English “White Paper,” No. 62.]

The private conversations between Russia and Austria having thus failed, Russia returned to the proposition of a European conference to preserve its peace.  Its Ambassador in Vienna on July 28 had a conference with Berchtold and pointed to the dangers to the peace of Europe and the desirability of good relations between Austria-Hungary and Russia.

To this Count Berchtold replied that he understood perfectly well the seriousness of the situation and the advantages of a frank explanation with the Cabinet at St. Petersburg.

“He told me that, on the other hand, the Austro-Hungarian Government, which had only reluctantly decided upon the energetic measures which it had taken against Servia, could now neither withdraw nor enter upon any discussion of the terms of the Austro-Hungarian note."

[Russian “Orange Paper,” No. 45.]

On the same day, July 28, the German Imperial Chancellor sent for the English Ambassador and excused his failure to accept the proposal of conference of the neutral powers, on the ground that he did not think it would be effective,

     “because such a conference would in his opinion have the
     appearance of an ‘Areopagus’ consisting of two powers of each
     group sitting in judgment upon the two remaining powers.”

After engaging in this pitiful and insincere quibble, and when reminded of Servia’s conciliatory reply, amounting to a virtual surrender,

“his Excellency said that he did not wish to discuss the Servian note, but that Austria’s standpoint, and in this he agreed, was that her quarrel with Servia was a purely Austrian concern, with which Russia had nothing to do.”

[English “White Paper,” No. 71.]

At this point the rules of the countries intervened in the dispute.  The Kaiser, having returned from Norway, telegraphed the Czar, under date of July 28, that he was

     “exerting all my influence to endeavor to make Austria-Hungary
     come to an open and satisfying understanding with Russia,”

and invoked the Czar’s aid.

[German “White Paper,” Annex 20.]

If the Kaiser were sincere, and he may have been, his attitude was not that of his Foreign Office.  Upon the face of the record we have only his own assurance that he was doing everything to preserve peace, but the steps that he took or the communications he made to influence Austria are not found in the formal defense which the German Government has given to the world.  The Kaiser can only convince the world of his innocence of the crime of his Potsdam camarilla by giving the world the text of any advice he gave the Austrian officials.  He has produced his telegrams to the Czar. Where are those he presumably sent to Francis Joseph or Count Berchtold?  Where are the instructions he gave his own Ambassadors or Foreign Minister?