At the present hour we are engaged in the very dubious experiment of direct popular legislation and administration.  We are trying to change our Government radically, discarding its representative form for that of delegation.  The remotest cause of this is the desire to amalgamate all our elements into homogeneity.  So far this policy has resulted in a demand, not for equality of political and civil rights, but for its overthrow, substituting laws intended to create social and economic equality by means of class legislation.

These facts are not to the edification of other civilized States, and subject us to harsh and contemptuous criticism.

It is likewise very interesting that apparently the American people believe in a monarchical democracy.  One of our typical first citizens has recently expressed his antipathy to the phrases “My monarchy,” “My loyal people,” “My loyal subjects,” used by one of the German monarchs in summoning the nation to war, as implying a dynastic or personal ownership of men.

Averse from Militarism.

The American masses dislike the sound of supreme war lord, but gladly admit their own Chief Magistrate to be Commander in Chief of the army and navy.  To our ears the three German words are offensive, and well they may be, for in the treacherous literal translation they are willful perversion; but the much stronger English words are a delight to our democracy.

The phrases of monarchy are constantly used in Great Britain by its King and its Emperor, but give no offense to his “loyal subjects,” even the most radical, who delight in them, as apparently do our people of British origin.  Why do they give such deep offense when employed by the German Government through its King and Emperor?  The social stratification of Germany is not as marked as that of Great Britain; its aristocracy is far less powerful; and Edward VII. proved that an adroit and willful English monarch could involve his “loyal people” deeper in harmful, secret alliances than William II., whose alliances and policies were and are unconcealed.

One of our greatest historians has earned a brilliant reputation in the conclusive proof that oceans are the world’s highways, while its continents are its barriers.  To the term “militarism” we attach an opprobrious meaning; militarism is the more infamous in exact proportion to its efficiency.  We have been at little pains to define it, and as to certain of its aspects are curiously complacent.

The basic principle of our own nationality has long been the very vague Monroe Doctrine, by the assertion of which we have prevented the establishment on our nearest and remotest frontiers of strong military powers, which might in certain events compel us to maintain a powerful and numerous standing army, or even introduce the compulsory military service of all voters, (women, of course, excepted.)