No war in modern times has been begun without the aggressor pretending that his nation wished nothing but peace and invoking Divine aid for its murderous policy.  To paraphrase the words of Lady Teazle on a noted occasion when Sir Joseph Surface talked much of “honor,” it might be as well in such instances to leave the name of God out of the question.

Let us, then, analyze the record as already made up; and for the sake of clearness the events which preceded the war will be considered chronologically.

Immediately upon the receipt of the ultimatum in St. Petersburg on July 24, the Russian Minister of Foreign Affairs, in a formal communication to Austria-Hungary, suggested that the abrupt time limit “leaves to the powers a delay entirely insufficient to undertake any useful steps whatever for the straightening out of the complications that have arisen,” and added: 

“To prevent the incalculable consequences, equally disastrous for all the powers, which can follow the method of action of the Austro-Hungarian Government, it seems indispensable to us that, above all, the delay given to Servia to reply should be extended.”

Sazonof further suggested that time should be given for the powers to examine the results of the inquiry that the Austro-Hungarian Government had made in the matter of the Serajevo assassination, and stated that if the powers were convinced

     “of the well-groundedness of certain of the Austrian demands
     they would find themselves in a position to send to the
     Servian Government consequential advice.”

He justly observes that

     “a refusal to extend the terms of the ultimatum ... would be
     in contradiction with the very bases of international
     relations.”

[Russian “Orange Paper,” No. 4.]

Could any court question the justice of this contention?  The peace of the world was at stake.  Time only was asked to see what could be done to preserve that peace and satisfy Austria’s grievances to the uttermost farthing.

Concurrently with Sazonof’s plea for a little time to preserve the peace of the world, Sir Edward Grey had seen the German Ambassador on July 24 and had suggested to him that the only method of preventing the catastrophe was

     “that the four powers, Germany, France, Italy, and ourselves,
     (England,) should work together simultaneously at Vienna and
     St. Petersburg.”

[English “White Paper,” No. 11.]

Germany had only to intimate to Austria that “a decent respect to the opinions of mankind,” as well as common courtesy to great and friendly nations, required that sufficient time be given not only to Servia, but to the other nations, to concert for the common good, especially as the period was one of Summer dullness and many of the leading rulers and statesmen were absent from their respective capitals.

Under these circumstances was it not natural that Russia should announce on July 24