The evil genius which inspired and controlled him led Nicholas II to appoint as Sturmer’s successor the utterly reactionary bureaucrat, Alexander Trepov, and to retain in office as Minister of the Interior the infamous Protopopov, associate of the unsavory Rasputin.  When Trepov made his first appearance as Premier in the Duma he was loudly hissed by the Socialists.  Other factions, while not concealing their disappointment, were more tolerant and even became more hopeful when they realized that from the first Trepov was fighting to oust Protopopov.  That meant, of course, a fight against Rasputin as well.  Whatever Trepov’s motives might be in fighting Protopopov and Rasputin he was helping the opposition.  But Trepov was no match for such opponents.  It soon became evident that as Premier he was a mere figurehead and that Rasputin and Protopopov held the government in their hands.  Protopopov openly defied the Premier and the Duma.

In December it began to be rumored in political circles that Sturmer, who was now attached in some not clearly defined capacity to the Foreign Office, was about to be sent to a neutral country as ambassador.  The rumor created the utmost consternation in liberal circles in Russia and in the Allied embassies.  If true, it could only have one meaning, namely, that arrangements were being made to negotiate a separate peace with Germany—­and that meant that Russia was to become Germany’s economic vassal.

The Duma demanded a responsible Ministry, a Cabinet directly responsible to, and controlled by, the Duma as the people’s representative.  This demand had been constantly made since the First Revolution.  Even the Imperial Council, upon which the Czar had always been able to rely for support against revolutionary movements, now joined forces with the Duma in making this demand.  That traditionally reactionary, bureaucratic body, composed of former Premiers, Cabinet Ministers, and other high officials, formally demanded that the Czar take steps to make the government responsible to the popularly elected assemblage.  This was a small revolution in itself.  The fabric of Czarism had cracked.

II

There can be no doubt in the mind of any student of Russian affairs that the unity of the Imperial Council and the Duma, like the unity of classes, was due to the strong pro-Ally sentiment which at that time possessed practically the entire nation.  On December 12th—­new style—­Germany offered Russia a separate peace, and three days later the Foreign Minister, Pokrovsky, visited the Duma and announced that Russia would reject the offer.  The Duma immediately passed a resolution declaring that “the Duma unanimously favors a categorical refusal by the Allied governments to enter, under present conditions, into any peace negotiations whatever.”  On the 19th a similar resolution was adopted by the Imperial Council, which continued to follow the leadership