But Russia belongs not to the Czar, but to the Russian working-people.  In defending Russia, the working-people defend themselves, defend the road to their freedom.  As we said before, the inevitable consequences of German victory would be the strengthening of our old regime.

The Russian reactionaries understand this very thoroughly. In a faint, half-hearted manner they are defending Russia from Germany.  The Ministers who resigned recently, Maklakov and Shcheglovitov, presented a secret report to the Czar, in November, 1914, in which they explained how advantageous it would be for the Czar to make a separate peace with Germany. They understand that the defeat of Germany would be a defeat of the principles of monarchism, so dear to all our European reactionaries.

Our people will never forget the failure of the Czar’s government to defend Russia.  But if the progressive, the politically conscious people will not take part in the struggle against Germany, the Czar’s government will have an excuse for saying:  “It is not our fault that Germany defeats us; it is the fault of the revolutionists who have betrayed their country,” and this will vindicate the government in the eyes of the people.

The political situation in Russia is such that only across the bridge of national defense can we reach freedom.  Remember, we do not tell you, first victory against the external enemy and then revolution against the internal, the Czar’s government.

In the course of events the defeat of the Czar’s government may serve as a necessary preliminary condition for, and even as a guaranty of, the elimination of the German danger.  The French revolutionists of the end of the eighteenth century would never have been able to have overcome the enemy, attacking France on all sides, had they not adopted such tactics only when the popular movement against the old regime became mature enough to render their efforts effective.

Furthermore, you must not be embarrassed by the arguments of those who believe that every one who defends his country refuses thereby to take part in the struggle of the classes.  These persons do not know what they are talking about.  In the first place, in order that the struggle of the classes in Russia should be successful, certain social and political conditions must exist there. These conditions will not exist if Germany wins.

In the second place, if the working-man of Russia cannot but defend himself against the exploitation of the Russian landed aristocrat and capitalist it seems incomprehensible that he should remain inactive when the lasso of exploitation is being drawn around his neck by the German landed aristocracy (the Junker) and the German capitalist who are, unfortunately, at the present time supported by a considerable part of the German proletariat that has turned traitor to