Bolshevism eBook

John Spargo
This eBook from the Gutenberg Project consists of approximately 417 pages of information about Bolshevism.

Bolshevism eBook

John Spargo
This eBook from the Gutenberg Project consists of approximately 417 pages of information about Bolshevism.
decree, but that was of very little importance, for the radical press had thrown off all its restraints, simply ignoring the censorship.  The government of Nicholas II was quite as helpless as it was tyrannical, corrupt, and inefficient.  The army and navy, demoralized by the defeat suffered at the hands of Japan, and especially by knowledge of the corruption in high places which made that defeat inevitable, were no longer dependable.  Tens of thousands of soldiers and marines had joined with the workmen in the cities in open rebellion.  Many more indulged themselves in purposeless rioting.

The organization of the various councils of delegates representing factory-workers and peasants, inevitable as it seemed to be, had one disastrous effect, the seriousness of which cannot be overstated.  As we have seen, the cruel, blundering policy of the government had united all classes against it in a revolutionary movement of unexampled magnitude.  Given the conditions prevailing in Russia, and especially the lack of industrial development and the corresponding numerical weakness of the industrial proletariat, it was evident that the only chance of success in the Revolution lay in the united effort of all classes against the old regime.  Nothing could have better served the autocracy, and therefore injured the revolutionary cause, than the creation of a division in the ranks of the revolutionists.

This was exactly what the separate organizations of the working class accomplished.  All the provocative agents of the Czar could not have contrived anything so serviceable to the reaction. Divide et impera has been the guiding principle of cunning despots in all ages, and the astutest advisers of Nicholas II must have grinned with Satanic glee when they realized how seriously the forces they were contending against were dividing.  Stupid oppression had driven into one united force the wage-earning and wage-paying classes.  Working-men and manufacturers made common cause against that stupid oppression.  Now, however, as the inevitable result of the organization of the Soviets, and the predominance of these in the Revolution, purely economic issues came to the front.  In proportion as the class struggle between employers and employed was accentuated the common struggle against autocracy was minimized and obscured.  Numerous strikes for increased wages occurred, forcing the employers to organize resistance.  Workers in one city—­St. Petersburg, for example—­demanded the immediate introduction of an eight-hour workday, and proclaimed it to be in force, quite regardless of the fact that longer hours prevailed elsewhere and that, given the competitive system, their employers were bound to resist a demand that would be a handicap favoring their competitors.

As might have been foreseen, the employers were forced to rely upon the government, the very government they had denounced and conspired to overthrow.  The president of the Council of Workmen’s Deputies of St. Petersburg, Chrustalev-Nosar, in his History of the Council of Workmen’s Deputies, quotes the order adopted by acclamation on November 11th—­new style—­introducing, from November 13th, an eight-hour workday in all shops and factories “in a revolutionary way.”  By way of commentary, he quotes a further order, adopted November 25, repealing the former order and declaring: 

Copyrights
Project Gutenberg
Bolshevism from Project Gutenberg. Public domain.