to hear a Bolshevist orator, a member of the Executive Committee of the Soviet of Workmen’s and Soldiers’ Delegates, express this infamous calumny at a meeting organized by the Preobrajenski Regiment.  The Bolsheviki tried, by every means, to crush the party, to reduce it to a clandestine existence.  But the Central Committee declared that it would continue to fight against violence—­and that in an open manner; it continued to issue a daily paper, only changing its title, as in the time of Czarism, and thus continued its propaganda in the factories, and helped to form public opinion, etc.

At the Fourth Congress of the party, which took place in December, the delegates from the provinces, where the despotism of the Bolsheviki was particularly violent, raised the question of introducing terrorist methods in the fight against the Bolsheviki.  “From the time that the party is placed in a fight under conditions which differ nothing from those of Czarism, ancient methods are to be resumed; violence must be opposed to violence,” they said.  But the Congress spurned this means; the Revolutionary Socialist party did not adopt the methods of terrorism; it could not do it, because the Bolsheviki were, after all, followed by the masses—­unthinking, it is true, but the masses, nevertheless.  It is by educating them, and not by the use of violence, that they are to be fought against.  Terrorist acts could bring nothing but a bloody suppression.

VIII

The Second Peasant Congress

In the space of a month a great amount of work was accomplished.  A breach was made in the general misunderstanding.  Moral help was assured to the Constituent Assembly on the part of the workmen and part of the soldiers of Petrograd.  There was no longer any confidence placed in the Bolsheviki.  Besides, the agitation was not the only cause of this change.  The workers soon came to understand that the Bolshevik tactics could only irritate and disgust the great mass of the population, that the Bolsheviki were not the representatives of the workers, that their promises of land, of peace, and other earthly goods were only a snare.  The industrial production diminished more and more; numerous factories and shops closed their doors and thousands of workmen found themselves on the streets.  The population of Petrograd, which, at first, received a quarter of a pound of bread per day (a black bread made with straw), had now but one-eighth of a pound, while in the time of Kerensky the ration was half a pound.  The other products (oatmeal, butter, eggs, milk) were entirely lacking or cost extremely high prices.  One ruble fifty copecks for a pound of potatoes, six rubles a pound of meat, etc.  The transportation of products to Petrograd had almost ceased.  The city was on the eve of famine.

The workers were irritated by the violence and the arbitrary manner of the Bolsheviki, and by the exploits of the Red Guard, well paid, enjoying all the privileges, well nourished, well clothed, and well shod in the midst of a Petrograd starving and in rags.