In the mean time, in the country a fierce battle was raging against the Bolsheviki.  It was not, on the part of their adversaries, a fight for power.  If the Socialist-Revolutionists had wished they could have seized the power; to do that they had only to follow the example of those who were called “the Revolutionary Socialists of the Left.”  Not only did they not follow their example, but they also excluded them from their midst.  A short time after the Bolshevik insurrection, when the part taken in this insurrection by certain Revolutionary Socialists of the Left was found out, the Central Committee of the Revolutionary Socialist party voted to exclude them from the party for having violated the party discipline and having adopted tactics contrary to its principles.  This exclusion was confirmed afterward by the Fourth Congress of the party, which took place in December, 1917.

Soon after the coup d’etat of October the question was among all parties and all organizations:  “What is to be done?  How will the situation be remedied?” The remedy included three points.  First, creation of a power composed of the representatives of all Socialist organizations, with the “Populist-Socialists” on the extreme right, and with the express condition that the principal actors in the Bolshevik coup d’etat would not have part in the Ministry.  Second, immediate establishment of the democratic liberties, which were trampled under foot by the Bolsheviki, without which any form of Socialism is inconceivable.  Third, convocation without delay of the Constituent Assembly.

Such were the conditions proposed to the Bolsheviki in the name of several Socialist parties (the Revolutionary Socialist party, the Mensheviki, the Populist-Socialists, etc.), and of several democratic organizations (Railroad Workers’ Union, Postal and Telegraphic Employees’ Union, etc.).  The Bolsheviki, at this time, were not sure of being able to hold their position; certain Commissaries of the People, soon after they were installed in power, handed in their resignation, being terrified by the torrents of blood that were shed at Moscow and by the cruelties which accompanied the coup d’etat.  The Bolsheviki pretended to accept the pourparlers, but kept them dragging along so as to gain time.  In the mean time they tried to strengthen themselves in the provinces, where they gained victories such as that of Saratov; they actively rushed the pourparlers for peace; they had to do it at all cost, even if, in doing it, they had to accept the assistance of the traitor and spy, by name Schneur, for they had promised peace to the soldiers.

For this it sufficed them to have gained some victories in the provinces, and that the Germans accepted the proposition of pourparlers of peace ("the German generals came to meet us in gala attire, wearing their ribbons and decorations,” with triumph announced in their appeal to the Russian people the representatives of this “Socialist” government Schneur & Co.), for this the Bolsheviki henceforth refused every compromise and all conference with the other parties.  For the other parties—­those who did not recognize the Bolshevik coup d’etat and did not approve of the violence that was perpetrated—­there was only one alternative, the fight.