Not only is Lenine willing to support national armaments, and even to fight for the defense of national rights, whenever an attack on these is also an attack on proletarian rights—­which he believes to be the case in the continued war against Germany, he goes much farther than this and provides a theoretical justification for a Socialist policy of passive acceptance of ever-increasing militarism.  He draws a strangely forced parallel between the Socialist attitude toward the trusts and the attitude which ought to be taken toward armaments.  We know, he argues, that trusts bring great evils.  Against the evils we struggle, but how?  Not by trying to do away with the trusts, for we regard the trusts as steps in progress.  We must go onward, through the trust system to Socialism.  In a similar way we should not deplore “the militarization of the populations.”  If the bourgeoisie militarizes all the men, and all the boys, nay, even all the women, why—­so much the better!  “Never will the women of an oppressed class that is really revolutionary be content” to demand disarmament.  On the contrary, they will encourage their sons to bear the arms and “learn well the business of war.”  Of course, this knowledge they will use, “not in order that they may shoot at their brothers, the workers of other countries, as they are doing in the present war ... but in order that they may struggle against the bourgeoisie in their own country, in order that they may put an end to exploitation, poverty, and war, not by the path of good-natured wishes, but by the path of victory over the bourgeoisie and of disarmament of the bourgeoisie."[90] Universally the working class has taken a position the very opposite of this.  Universally we find the organized working class favoring disarmament, peace agreements, and covenants in general opposing extensions of what Lenine describes as “the militarization of populations.”  For this universality of attitude and action there can only be one adequate explanation—­namely, the instinctive class consciousness of the workers.  But, according to Lenine, this instinctive class consciousness is all wrong; somehow or other it expresses itself in a “bourgeois” policy.  The workers ought to welcome the efforts of the ruling class to militarize and train in the arts of war not only the men of the nations, but the boys and even the women as well.  Some day, if this course be followed, there will be two great armed classes in every nation and between these will occur the decisive war which shall establish the supremacy of the most numerous and powerful class.  Socialism is thus to be won, not by the conquests of reason and of conscience, but by brute force.