The validity of the foregoing contention can scarcely be questioned, except by those to whom phrases are of more consequence than facts, who place theories above realities.  The moment the Bolsheviki tried to translate their rhetorical propaganda for the dictatorship of the proletariat into the concrete terms of political reality they found that they were compelled to direct their main opposition, not against the bourgeoisie, or even against capitalism, but against the newly created democracy.  In the movement to create a democratic government resting upon the basis of universal, direct, equal, and secret suffrage they saw a peril to their scheme far more formidable than militarism or capitalism.  It was for this reason that they set themselves to the task of suppressing the Constituent Assembly.  Only political simpletons will seriously regard the Bolshevik attempt to camouflage their motive by pretending that they determined to crush the Constituent Assembly because its members were elected on a register that was “obsolete” and therefore no longer truly represented the people.

The German Spartacides, who were acting in full accord with the Russian Bolsheviki, had not that miserable excuse.  Yet they set out by force of arms to prevent any election being held.  In this they were quite consistent; they wanted to set up a dictatorship, and they knew that the overwhelming mass of the people wanted something very different.  At a dinner of the Inter-Collegiate Socialist Society in New York, in December, 1918, a spokesman for the German variety of Bolshevism blandly explained that “Karl Liebknecht and his comrades know that they cannot hope to get a majority, therefore they are determined that no elections shall be held.  They will prevent this by force.  After some time, perhaps, when a proletarian regime has existed long enough, and people have become convinced of the superiority of the Socialist way, or at least grown used to it, and it is safe to do so, popular elections may be permitted.”  Incredible as it seems, this declaration was received with cheers by an audience which only a few minutes before had cheered with equal fervor denunciations of “encroachments upon American democracy.”

Curiously enough, the precise manner in which the Bolsheviki have acted against democracy was set forth, as far back as 1850, by a German, Johann von Miquel, in a letter to Karl Marx.  Miquel was born in Hanover, but his ancestors were of French origin.  He studied at Heidelberg and Goettingen, and became associated with the Socialist movement of the period.  He settled down to the practice of law, however, and when Hanover was annexed by Prussia he entered the Prussian parliament.  After the “dismissal of the pilot,” Bismarck, he became Prussian Minister of Finance, holding that position for ten years.  Liebknecht referred to him as “my former comrade in communismo and present Chancellor in re.”  This Miquel, while he was still a Socialist, in 1850 wrote to Marx as follows: