At the time of the disturbances which took place in Petrograd in December, over the delay in holding the Constituent Assembly, the Bolshevik government announced that the Constituante would be permitted to convene on January 18th, provided that not less than four hundred delegates were in attendance.  Accordingly, the defenders of the Constituent Assembly arranged for a great demonstration to take place on that day in honor of the event.  It was also intended to be a warning to the Bolsheviki not to try to further interfere with the Constituante.  An earnest but entirely peaceful mass of people paraded with flags and banners and signs containing such inscriptions as “Proletarians of All Countries, Unite!” “Land and Liberty,” “Long Live the Constituent Assembly,” and many others.  They set out from different parts of the city to unite at the Field of Mars and march to the Taurida Palace to protest against any interference with the Constituent Assembly.  As they neared the Taurida Palace they were confronted by Red Guards, who, without any preliminary warning or any effort at persuasion, fired into the crowd.  Among the first victims was a member of the Executive Committee of the Soviet of Peasants’ Delegates, the Siberian peasant Logvinov, part of whose head was shot away by an explosive bullet.  Another victim was the militant Socialist-Revolutionist Gorbatchevskaia.  Several students and a number of workmen were also killed.  Similar massacres occurred at the same time in other parts of the city.  Other processions wending their way toward the meeting-place were fired into.  Altogether one hundred persons were either killed or very seriously wounded by the Red Guards, who said that they had received orders “not to spare the cartridges.”  Similar demonstrations were held in Moscow and other cities and were similarly treated by the Red Guards.  In Moscow especially the loss of life was great.  Yet the Bolshevist organs passed these tragic events over in complete silence.  They did not mention the massacres, nor did they mention the great demonstration at the funeral of the victims, four days later.

When the Constituent Assembly was formally opened, on January 18th, it was well known on every hand that the Bolshevik government would use force to destroy it if the deputies refused to do exactly as they were told.  The corridors were filled with armed soldiers and sailors, ready for action.

The Lenine-Trotzky Ministry had summoned an extraordinary Congress of Soviets to meet in Petrograd at the same time, and it was well understood that they were determined to erect this Soviet Congress into the supreme legislative power.  If the Constituent Assembly would consent to this, so much the better, of course.  In that case there would be a valuable legal sanction, the sanction of a democratically elected body expressly charged with the task of determining the form and manner of government for Free Russia.  Should the Constituent Assembly not be willing, there was an opportunity for another coup d’etat.