reunited and her independence be restored; that the people of Alsace and Lorraine be permitted to be reunited to France; that Armenia be taken from Turkey and made independent.  The peasants could not accept the status quo ante as a basis for peace.  He assailed the treacherous propaganda for a separate peace with terrific scorn:  “But such peace is unacceptable to us peasants.  A separate peace would kill not only our Revolution, but the cause of social revolution the world over.  A separate peace is dishonor for Russia and treason toward the Allies....  We must start an offensive.  To remain in the trenches without moving is a separate truce, more shameful even than a separate peace.  A separate truce demoralizes the army and ruins the people.  This spring, according to our agreement with the Allies, we should have begun a general offensive, but instead of that we have concluded a separate truce. The Allies saved the Russian Revolution, but they are becoming exhausted....  When our Minister of War, Kerensky, speaks of starting an offensive, the Russian army must support him with all its strength, with all the means available....  From here we should send our delegates to the front and urge our army to wage an offensive.  Let the army know that it must fight and die for Russia’s freedom, for the peace of the whole world, and for the coming Socialist commonwealth.”

In the resolutions which were adopted the Congress confined itself to outlining a program for the Constituent Assembly, urging the abolition of private property in land, forests, water-power, mines, and mineral resources.  It urged the Provisional Government to “issue an absolutely clear and unequivocal statement which would show that on this question the Provisional Government will allow nobody to oppose the people’s will.”  It also issued a special appeal “to the peasants and the whole wage-earning population of Russia” to vote at the forthcoming elections for the Constituent Assembly, “only for those candidates who pledge themselves to advocate the nationalization of the land without reimbursement on principles of equality.”  In the election for an Executive Committee to carry on the work of the Congress and maintain the organization the delegates with Bolshevist tendencies were “snowed under.”  Those who were elected were, practically without exception, stalwart supporters of the policy of participation in and responsibility for the Provisional Government, and known to be ardent believers in the Constituent Assembly.  Chernov, with 810 votes, led the poll; Breshkovskaya came next with 809; Kerensky came third with 804; Avksentiev had 799; Bunakov 790; Vera Finger 776, and so on.  Nineteenth on the list of thirty elected came the venerable Nicholas Tchaykovsky, well known in America.  Once more a great representative body of Russian working-people had spoken and rejected the teachings and the advice of the Bolsheviki.

VIII