It was a remarkable Cabinet.  So far as the Socialists were concerned, it would have been difficult to select worthier or abler representatives.  As in the formation of the First Provisional Government, attempts had been made to induce Tchcheidze to accept a position in the Cabinet, but without success.  He could not be induced to enter a Coalition Ministry, though he strongly and even enthusiastically supported in the Soviet the motion to participate in such a Ministry.  Apart from the regret caused by Tchcheidze’s decision, it was felt on every hand that the Socialists had sent into the Second Provisional Government their strongest and most capable representatives; men who possessed the qualities of statesmen and who would fill their posts with honorable distinction and full loyalty.  On the side of the Constitutional Democrats and the Octobrists, too, there were men of sterling character, distinguished ability, and very liberal minds.  The selection of Terestchenko as Minister of Foreign Affairs was by many Socialists looked upon with distrust, but, upon the whole, the Coalition Ministry met with warm approbation.  If any coalition of the sort could succeed, the Cabinet headed by Prince Lvov might be expected to do so.

On the 18th, the Petrograd Council of Workmen’s and Soldiers’ Delegates adopted a resolution, introduced by Tchcheidze, president of the Council, warmly approving the entrance of the Socialist Ministers into the Cabinet and accepting the declaration of the new Provisional Government as satisfactory.  This resolution was bitterly opposed by the Bolsheviki, who were led in the fight by Trotzky.  This was Trotzky’s first speech in Petrograd since his arrival the previous day from America.  His speech was a demagogic appeal against co-operation with any bourgeois elements.  Participation in the Coalition Ministry by the Socialists was a dangerous policy, he argued, since it sacrificed the fundamental principle of class struggle.  Elaborating his views further, he said:  “I never believed that the emancipation of the working class will come from above.  Division of power will not cease with the entrance of the Socialists into the Ministry.  A strong revolutionary power is necessary.  The Russian Revolution will not perish.  But I believe only in a miracle from below.  There are three commandments for the proletariat.  They are:  First, transmission of power to the revolutionary people; second, control over their own leaders; and third, confidence in their own revolutionary powers.”

This was the beginning of Trotzky’s warfare upon the Coalition Government, a warfare which he afterward systematically waged with all his might.  Tchcheidze and others effectively replied to the Bolshevik leader’s criticisms and after long and strenuous debate the resolution of the Executive Committee presented by Tchcheidze was carried by a large majority, the opposition only mustering seven votes.  The resolution read as follows: