3.  Fellow-citizens of the capitalist class!  Follow the historic
    example of Minin!  Even as he, open your treasuries and quickly
    bring your money to the aid of Russia!

    4.  To the peasants:  Fathers and Brothers!  Bring your last mite to
    help the weakening front!  Give us bread, and oats and hay to our
    horses.  Remember that the future Russia will be yours!

5.  Comrades-Intellectuals!  Come to us and bring the light of knowledge into our dark trenches!  Share with us the difficult work of advancing Russia’s freedom and prepare us for the citizenship of new Russia!

6.  To the Russian women:  Support your husbands and sons in the performing of their civil duty to the country!  Replace them where this is not beyond your strength!  Let your scorn drive away all those who are slackers in these difficult times!

No one can read this declaration without a deep sense of the lofty and sincere citizenship of the brave men who adopted it as their expression.  The fundamental loyalty of these leaders of the common soldiers, their spokesmen and delegates, is beyond question.  Pardonably weary of a war in which they had been more shamefully betrayed and neglected than any other army in modern times, frankly suspicious of capitalist governments which had made covenants with the hated Romanov dynasty, they were still far from being ready to follow the leadership of Bolsheviki.  They had, instead, adopted the sanely constructive policy of Tchcheidze, Tseretelli, Skobelev, Plechanov, and other Socialists who from the first had seen the great struggle in its true perspective.  That they did not succeed in averting disaster is due in part to the fact that the Revolution itself had come too late to make military success possible, and in part to the failure of the governments allied with Russia to render intelligent aid.

VII

The Provisional Government was reorganized.  Before we consider the actions of the All-Russian Congress of Peasants’ Delegates, one of the most important gatherings of representatives of Russian workers ever held, the reorganization of the Provisional Government merits attention.  On the 17th, at a special sitting of the Duma, Guchkov and Miliukov explained why they had resigned.  Guchkov made it a matter of conscience.  Anarchy had entered into the administration of the army and navy, he said:  “In the way of reforms the new government has gone very far.  Not even in the most democratic countries have the principles of self-government, freedom, and equality been so extensively applied in military life.  We have gone somewhat farther than the danger limit, and the impetuous current drives us farther still....  I could not consent to this dangerous work; I could not sign my name to orders and laws which in my opinion would lead to a rapid deterioration of our military forces.  A country, and especially an army, cannot be administered on the principles of meetings and conferences.”