“Would you have us Russian proletarians fight in this war for England’s colonial interests?” was one of the questions hurled at Plechanov, and greeted by the jubilant applause of the Bolsheviki.  Plechanov replied with great spirit, his reply evoking a storm of cheers:  “The answer is clear to every one who accepts the principle of self-determination of nations,” he said.  “The colonies are not deserts, but populated localities, and their populations should also be given the right to determine freely their own destinies.  It is clear that Russia cannot fight for the sake of any one’s predatory aspirations. But I am surprised that the question of annexations is raised in Russia, whose sixteen provinces are under the Prussian heel! I do not understand this exclusive solicitude for Germany’s interests.”

To those who advocated fraternization, who were engaged in spreading the idea that the German working class would refuse to fight against the Russian revolutionists, the great Socialist teacher, possessing one of the ripest minds in the whole international Socialist movement, and an intimate knowledge of the history of that movement, made vigorous reply and recited a significant page of Socialist history: 

“In the fall of 1906, when Wilhelm was planning to move his troops on the then revolutionary Russia, I asked my comrades, the German Social Democrats, ‘What will you do in case Wilhelm declares war on Russia?’ At the party convention in Mannheim, Bebel gave me an answer to this question.  Bebel introduced a resolution in favor of the declaration of a general strike in the event of war being declared on Russia.  But this resolution was not adopted; members of the trade-unions voted against it.  This is a fact which you should not forget.  Bebel had to beat a retreat and introduce another resolution.  Kautsky and Rosa Luxemburg were dissatisfied with Bebel’s conduct.  I asked Kautsky whether there is a way to bring about a general strike against the workers’ will.  As there is no such way, there was nothing else that Bebel could do. And if Wilhelm had sent his hordes to Russia in 1906, the German workers would not have done an earthly thing to prevent the butchery.  In September, 1914, the situation was still worse.”

The opposition to Plechanov on the part of some of the delegates was an evidence of the extent to which disaffection, defeatism, and the readiness to make peace at any price almost—­a general peace preferably, but, if not, then a separate peace—­had permeated even the most intelligent part of the Russian army.  Bolshevism and its ally, defeatism, were far more influential in the ranks of the soldiers than in those of the workers in the factories.  Yet the majority was with Kerensky, Tseretelli, and Plechanov, as the following resolutions adopted by the convention prove: