Blackwood's Edinburgh Magazine, Volume 54, No. 337, November, 1843 eBook

This eBook from the Gutenberg Project consists of approximately 364 pages of information about Blackwood's Edinburgh Magazine, Volume 54, No. 337, November, 1843.

Blackwood's Edinburgh Magazine, Volume 54, No. 337, November, 1843 eBook

This eBook from the Gutenberg Project consists of approximately 364 pages of information about Blackwood's Edinburgh Magazine, Volume 54, No. 337, November, 1843.
Were that true, were it possible that the Clontarf meeting had been suppressed on its own separate merits, as presumed from secret information, and without ulterior meaning or application designed for the act—­in that case nothing has been done.  But this is not so:  Government is bound henceforwards by its own act.  That proclamation as to one meeting establishes a precedent as to all.  It is not within the power of Government, having done that act of suppression, and still more having spoken that language of proclamation, now to retreat from their own rule, and to apply any other rule to any subsequent meeting.  The act of suppression was enough.  The commentary on the proclamation is more than enough.  Therefore it is, that we began by saying “the game is up;” and, because it is of consequence to know the principle on which any act is done, therefore it is that we have discussed, at some length, the various hypotheses now current as to the particular principle which, in this instance, governed our Executive.  Our own opinion is, that all these hypotheses, except the first, which ascribes blank inconsistency to the Government, and so much of the second as stands upon some fanciful limitation of time within which Government could not equitably proceed to action, are partially true.  If this be so, there is an answer in full to the Whigs, who at this moment (October 23) are arguing that no circumstances of any kind have changed since our ministers treated the Repeal cause with neglect.  Neglect it, comparatively, they never did:  as the cashiering of magistrates ought too angrily to remind the Whigs.  But if the different solutions, which we have here examined, should be carefully reviewed, it will be seen that circumstances have changed, and, under the fourth head, it will be seen that they have changed in a way which required time, selection, and great efforts:  what is more, it will be seen that they have changed in a way critically important for the future interests of the empire.

Yes; the game is up!  And what now remains is, not to suffer the coming trials to sink into fictions of law—­as a brutum fulmen of menace, never meant to be realized.  Verdicts must be had:  judgments must be given:  and then a long farewell to the hopes of treason!

Yes, by a double proof the Repeal sedition is at an end:  were it not, upon Clontarf being prohibited, the Repealers would have announced some other gathering in some other place.  You that say it is not at an end, tell us why did they forbear doing that?  Secondly, Mr O’Connell has substituted for Repeal—­what?  The miserable, the beggarly petition, for a dependent House of Assembly, an upper sort of “Select Vestry,” for Ireland; and that too as a bonus from the Parliament of the empire.  This reminds us of a capital story related by Mr Webster, and perhaps within the experience of American statesmen, in reference to the claims of electors upon those candidates whom

Copyrights
Project Gutenberg
Blackwood's Edinburgh Magazine, Volume 54, No. 337, November, 1843 from Project Gutenberg. Public domain.