Here, therefore, we stay our hand; we have redeemed our pledge; we have more than proved our case.  Various laborious researches into the real values of colonial and foreign exported commodities, have amply satisfied our mind, as they would those of any impartial person capable of investigation into special facts, of the superior comparative value, in the mercantile and manufacturing, or individual sense, as well, more specially, as in the economical and social, or national sense, of colonial over foreign trade.  Do we therefore seek to disparage foreign trade?  Far from it:  our anxious desire is to see it prosper and progress daily and yearly, fully impressed with the conviction that it is, as it long has been, one of the sheet-anchors of the noble vessel of the State, by the aid of which it has swung securely in, and weathered bravely, many a hurricane—­and holding fast to which, the gallant ship is again repairing the damage of the late long night of tempest.  But we deprecate these invidious attacks and comparisons by which malice and ignorance would depreciate one great interest, for the selfish notion of unduly elevating another; as if both could not equally prosper without coming into collision; nay, as if each could not contribute to the welfare of the other, and, in combined result, advance the glory and prosperity of the common country.

We have not deemed it proper, to mix up with the special argument of this article those political, moral, and social considerations of gravest import, as connected with the possession, the government, and the improvement of colonial dependencies, which constitute a question apart, the happy solution of which is of the highest public concernment; and separately, therefore, may be left for treatment.  But in the economical view, we may take credit for having cleared the ground and prepared the way for its discussion to no inconsiderable extent.  Nor have we thought it fitting to nix up the debate on differential duties in favour of the colonies with the other objects which have engaged our labour.  We are as little disposed as any free trader to view differential duties in excess, with favour and approval.  The candid admission of Mr Deacon Hume on that head, that in reference to the late Slave colonies the question of those duties is “taken entirely out of the category of free trade,” should set that debate at rest for the present, at all events.

* * * * *

A SPECULATION ON THE SENSES.

How can that which is a purely subjective affection—­in other words, which is dependent upon us as a mere modification of our sentient nature—­acquire, nevertheless, such a distinct objective reality, as shall compel us to acknowledge it as an independent creation, the permanent existence of which, is beyond the control of all that we can either do or think?  Such is the form to which all the questions of speculation my be ultimately reduced.  And all the solutions which have hitherto been propounded as answers to the problem, may be generalized into these two:  either consciousness is able to transcend, or go beyond itself; or else the whole pomp, and pageantry, and magnificence, which we miscall the external universe, are nothing but our mental phantasmagoria, nothing but states of our poor, finite, subjective selves.