anticipated, it might run uncontroverted for months
to come until another session, and, through
Anti-Corn-Law
circulars and tracts of the League, do the dirty
work of the time for which concocted, when no matter
how consigned and forgotten afterwards among the numberless
other lies of the day, fabricated by the League.
Unluckily for the crafty combination,
Blackwood
was neither slow to detect, nor tardy in unmasking,
the premeditated imposture, the crowning and final
points of which we now propose to deal with and demolish.
Betwixt the relative importance in the cost, and in
the profit and loss sense, of foreign and colonial
trade, on which the question of the advantages or
disadvantages attending the possession or retention
of colonies is made exclusively to hinge, with a narrow-mindedness
incapable of appreciating the other high political
and social interests, the moral and religious considerations,
moreover, involved—we shall now proceed
with the task of arbitrating and striking the balance.
If that balance should little correspond with the bold
and unscrupulous allegations of Mr Cobden—if
it should be found to derogate from the assumed super-eminence
of the foreign trading interest over the colonial,
let it be remembered that the invidious discussion
was not raised by us, nor by any member of the Legislature
who can rightfully be classed as the representative
of great national and constitutional principles; that
the distinction and disjunction of interests, both
national, with the absurd attempt unduly to elevate
the one by unjustly depreciating the other, is the
work of the League alone, which, having originated
the senseless cry of “class interests,”
would seem doggedly determined to establish the fact,
per fas et nefas, as the means of funding and
perpetuating class divisions.
In our last number, we left Mr Cobden’s
sum
total of army expenditure for colonial
account charged by him, at
L.4,500,000
Reduced by deductions for military and other
stations, maintained for the protection
and promotion of foreign trade,
for the
suppression of slave dealing, and
as penal
colonies, in the total amount of—
1,550,000
----------
To apparent colonial charge, —
L.2,950,000
We have, however, to reform this statement, so far
as Mr Cobden’s basis upon which founded.
Accustomed to his blunders undesigned and mistatements
intentional as we are, it is not always easy to ascertain
their extent at the moment. Thus, the army estimates
for 1843, amounting to L.6,225,000 in the whole, as
he states, include a charge of, say about L.2,300,000
for “half-pay, pensions, superannuations, &c.,”
for upwards of 80,000 officers and men. This
fact it suited his convenience to overlook. Now,
of this number of men it is not perhaps too much to
assume, that more than one-half consists of the noble