at one time, it was perfectly marvellous that he did not break down.  Instead, as very few men could have done, he kept a clear-headed shrewdness, owing to which the Empire most certainly contracted an immense debt of gratitude toward him for not having allowed himself to yield to the temptation of retaliating upon those who had made his task such a particularly hard one.  His forbearance ought never to be lost sight of in judging the circumstances which brought about and attended the South African War.  Whilst the war was going on it was not realised that Sir Alfred Milner was the only man who—­when the time arrived—­could allay the passions arising from the conflict.  But, without vanity, he knew, and could well afford to wait for his reward until history rather than men had judged him.

In the meanwhile Sir Alfred had to struggle against a sea of obstacles in which he was probably the only man clever enough not to drown himself—­a danger which overtook others who had tried to plunge into the complicated politics of South Africa.  A succession of administrators at Government House in Cape Town ended their political career there, and left, broken in spirit, damaged in reputation.

As for the local politicians, they were mostly honest mediocrities or adventurous spirits, who used their influence for their personal advantage.  An exception was Mr. Hofmeyr.  But he was far too absorbed in securing the recognition of Dutch supremacy at the Cape to be able to work on the milder plane necessary to bring about the one great result.  The popularity of Mr. Hofmeyr was immense and his influence indisputable; but it was not a broad influence.  He shuddered at the mere possibility of the Transvaal falling into the hands of the British.

Whilst touching upon the subject of the Transvaal, I may say a word concerning the strangely mixed population, for the sake of whom, officially, Britain went to war.  The war was entirely the work of the Uitlanders, as they called themselves with a certain pride, but very few of whom possessed a drop of English blood.  The British public at home was told that it was necessary to fight President Kruger because Englishmen in the Transvaal were being ill-treated and denied their legitimate rights.  In reality, this was one of those conventional reasons, lacking common sense and veracity, upon which nations are so often fed.  If we enter closely into the details of existence in the Transvaal, and examine who were those who shouted so loudly for the franchise, we find that the majority were either foreigners or Jews hailing from Frankfurt or Hamburg.  Many of them had, to be sure, become naturalised British subjects, but I doubt very much whether, among all the magnates of Johannesburg or of Kimberley, more than one or two pure-blooded Englishmen could be found.  Rhodes, of course, was an exception, but one which confirmed the rule.  Those others whose names can still be conjured with in South Africa were Jews,