It was arranged that as I was at that time probably the best known man in the Irish body in Liverpool, I should be stationed on a prominent part of the platform, which consisted of two lorries, in view of all, and alongside me, our general, Sergeant MacDonnell.  As showing how well in hand was that immense body of people it was remarked that when the carriage of Dr. John Bligh, whose guest Mr. Parnell was, drew up in the street, facing the platform, and when I made a motion with both hands, to show where a passage was to be made for Mr. Parnell from the street to the platform, how quickly and accurately the opening was made in that dense and apparently impenetrable body of people.

In Ireland, at this time, men were being prosecuted for what were termed “seditious” speeches.  When Mr. Parnell stood up to speak he stepped upon a chair, that he might be the better seen, and said “I am going to make a seditious speech.”  A strong motion was passed at this meeting condemnatory of coercion in Ireland.  On the same evening a great demonstration was held in the League Hall.

The authorities must have considered the St. George’s Hall meeting a very serious business, and it was evidently made note of by the police for use afterwards.

At the “Times Forgeries Commission,” Mr. Parnell was questioned about this gathering, and about several on the platform who were mentioned by name.  Asked if this one or that one were connected with the Fenian movement, he generally answered he did not think so.  When my name was put to him by the Attorney-General (now the Lord Chief Justice), who was cross-examining him, he replied “He might have been.”

In a short time after the Liverpool demonstration Messrs. Parnell and Dillon went to America, as had been arranged.  They were everywhere received with enthusiasm, and obtained sympathy and substantial help as the ambassadors of Ireland.

CHAPTER XVII.

BLOCKADE RUNNING—­ATTEMPTED SUPPRESSION OF “UNITED IRELAND”—­WILLIAM O’BRIEN AND HIS STAFF IN JAIL—­HOW PAT EGAN KEPT THE FLAG FLYING.

“United Ireland suppressed” was the chief headline in the morning papers on the Friday before the Christmas of 1881.

In point of fact, what had happened was that the detectives, acting under the extraordinary powers given by the special “law” in force in Ireland, had invaded the offices of the Land League organ the night before, and seized all the copies of the paper found on the premises.

It was a bungled job, for the country edition had already gone out, including the supplies for England and Scotland, so that the only copies seized were those intended for Dublin and the suburbs.

Nothing indicated the intensity of the struggle going on between the government and the people more than the dead set which was being made against “United Ireland.”  Its editor was in jail, its sub-editor was in jail, most of its contributors were in jail, even the commercial and mechanical staffs had been seized, one by one, and in the paper each week the names and descriptions of the victims appeared, prominently set out in tabular form, in the place where the first leading article had previously been printed.