virtually his Allies: their weapons may be against
him, but he will laugh at their weapons,—for
he knows, though they themselves do not, that their
souls are for him. Look at the preamble to the
Armistice! In what is omitted and what is inserted,
the French Ruler could not have fashioned it more
for his own purpose if he had traced it with his own
hand. We have then trampled upon a fundamental
principle of justice, and countenanced a prime maxim
of iniquity; thus adding, in an unexampled degree,
the foolishness of impolicy to the heinousness of
guilt. A conduct thus grossly unjust and impolitic,
without having the hatred which it inspires neutralised
by the contempt, is made contemptible by utterly wanting
that colour of right which authority and power, put
forth in defence of our Allies—in asserting
their just claims and avenging their injuries, might
have given. But we, instead of triumphantly displaying
our power towards our enemies, have ostentatiously
exercised it upon our friends; reversing here, as every
where, the practice of sense and reason;—conciliatory
even to abject submission where we ought to have been
haughty and commanding,—and repulsive and
tyrannical where we ought to have been gracious and
kind. Even a common law of good breeding would
have served us here, had we known how to apply it.
We ought to have endeavoured to raise the Portugueze
in their own estimation by concealing our power in
comparison with theirs; dealing with them in the spirit
of those mild and humane delusions, which spread such
a genial grace over the intercourse, and add so much
to the influence of love in the concerns of private
life. It is a common saying, presume that a man
is dishonest, and that is the readiest way to make
him so: in like manner it may be said, presume
that a nation is weak, and that is the surest course
to bring it to weakness,—if it be not rouzed
to prove its strength by applying it to the humiliation
of your pride. The Portugueze had been weak; and,
in connection with their Allies the Spaniards, they
were prepared to become strong. It was, therefore,
doubly incumbent upon us to foster and encourage them—to
look favourably upon their efforts—generously
to give them credit upon their promises—to
hope with them and for them; and, thus anticipating
and foreseeing, we should, by a natural operation
of love, have contributed to create the merits which
were anticipated and foreseen. I apply these
rules, taken from the intercourse between individuals,
to the conduct of large bodies of men, or of nations
towards each other, because these are nothing but
aggregates of individuals; and because the maxims of
all just law, and the measures of all sane practice,
are only an enlarged or modified application of those
dispositions of love and those principles of reason,
by which the welfare of individuals, in their connection
with each other, is promoted. There was also
here a still more urgent call for these courteous
and humane principles as guides of conduct; because,
in exact proportion to the physical weakness of Governments,
and to the distraction and confusion which cannot
but prevail, when a people is struggling for independence
and liberty, are the well-intentioned and the wise
among them remitted for their support to those benign
elementary feelings of society, for the preservation
and cherishing of which, among other important objects,
government was from the beginning ordained.