is plain that the French had forfeited by their crimes
all right to those privileges, or to those modes of
intercourse, which one army may demand from another
according to the laws of war. They were not soldiers
in any thing but the power of soldiers, and the outward
frame of an army. During their occupation of
Portugal, the laws and customs of war had never been
referred to by them, but as a plea for some enormity,
to the aggravated oppression of that unhappy country!
Pillage, sacrilege, and murder—sweeping
murder and individual assassination, had been proved
against them by voices from every quarter. They
had outlawed themselves by their offences from membership
in the community of war, and from every species of
community acknowledged by reason. But even, should
any one be so insensible as to question this, he will
not at all events deny, that the French ought to have
been dealt with as having put on a double character.
For surely they never considered themselves merely
as an army. They had dissolved the established
authorities of Portugal, and had usurped the civil
power of the government; and it was in this compound
capacity, under this twofold monstrous shape, that
they had exercised, over the religion and property
of the country, the most grievous oppressions.
What then remained to protect them but their power?—Right
they had none,—and power! it is a mortifying
consideration, but I will ask if Bonaparte, (nor do
I mean in the question to imply any thing to his honour,)
had been in the place of Sir Hew Dalrymple, what would
he have thought of their power?—Yet before
this shadow the solid substance of
justice melted
away.
And this leads me from the contemplation of their
errors in the estimate and application of means, to
the contemplation of their heavier errors and worse
blindness in regard to ends. The British Generals
acted as if they had no purpose but that the enemy
should be removed from the country in which they were,
upon any terms. Now the evacuation of
Portugal was not the prime object, but the manner in
which that event was to be brought about; this ought
to have been deemed first both in order and importance;—the
French were to be subdued, their ferocious warfare
and heinous policy to be confounded; and in this way,
and no other, was the deliverance of that country
to be accomplished. It was not for the soil,
or for the cities and forts, that Portugal was valued,
but for the human feeling which was there; for the
rights of human nature which might be there conspicuously
asserted; for a triumph over injustice and oppression
there to be achieved, which could neither be concealed
nor disguised, and which should penetrate the darkest
corner of the dark Continent of Europe by its splendour.
We combated for victory in the empire of reason, for
strongholds in the imagination. Lisbon and Portugal,
as city and soil, were chiefly prized by us as a language;
but our Generals mistook the counters of the game for