From what has been said, it appears that the political influence of the family of Lowther in Westmoreland is the natural and reasonable consequence of a long-continued possession of large property—­furnishing, with the judicious Nobleman at its head, an obvious support, defence, and instrument for the intelligent patriotism of the County.  I have said instrument, and laid an emphasis upon the word; because they who do not perceive that such is the truth are ignorant what shape, in these cases, social combinations must take, in order to be efficient and be preserved.  Every great family which many have rallied round from congeniality of public sentiment, and for a political purpose, seems in course of time to direct, and in ordinary cases does direct, its voluntary adherents; but, if it should violate their wishes and shock their sense of right, it would speedily be reduced to such support only as it could command; and then would be seen who had been Principal, and who Secondary; to whom had belonged in reality the place of Agent, to whom that of the Employer.  The sticklers for emancipation (a fashionable word in our times, when rational acquiescence is deemed baseness of spirit, and the most enlightened service passes for benighted servility!) have been free on numerous occasions to make the effort they are now making.  Could any considerable person have been found to share their feeling, they might have proposed a Representative unacceptable to the Family whose ascendancy they complain of, with a certainty of securing his election, had the good-will of the Freeholders been on their side.  What could possibly have prevented this trial?  But they talk as if some mysterious power had been used to their injury.  Some call it ’a thraldom from without’—­some ’a drowsiness within.’—­Mr. Brougham’s Kendal Committee find fault with others—­the Chairman of the Appleby Committee is inclined to fix the blame nearer home.  An accredited organ of their Kendal Committee tells you dogmatically, from the Bill of Rights, that ’Elections shall be free;’ and, if asked how the citation bears upon the case, his answer would most likely prove him of opinion, that, as noise is sometimes an accompaniment of freedom, so there can be no freedom without noise.  Or, does the erudite Constitutionalist take this method of informing us, that the Lord Lieutenant has been accustomed to awe and controul the Voters of this County, as Charles the Second and his Brother attempted to awe and controul those of the whole kingdom?  If such be the meaning of the Writer and his Employers, what a pity Westmoreland has not a Lunatic Asylum for the accommodation of the whole Body!  In the same strain, and from the same quarter, we are triumphantly told ’that no Peer of Parliament shall interfere in Elections.’  How injurious then to these Monitors and their Cause the report of the Hereditary High Sheriff’s massy subscription, and his zealous countenance!  Let him be entreated formally to contradict it;—­or would they have one law for a Peer who is a Friend to Administration, and another for such as are its enemies?  Is the same act to pass for culpable or praiseworthy, just as it thwarts, or furthers, the wishes of those who pronounce a judgment upon it?