honour of other Nations, must be poor in sympathy for the honour of his own Country; and that, if he be wanting here towards that which circumscribes the whole, he neither has—­nor can have—­social regard for the lesser communities which Country includes.  Contract the circle, and bring him to his family; such a man cannot protect that with dignified loves.  Reduce his thoughts to his own person; he may defend himself,—­what he deems his honour; but it is the action of a brave man from the impulse of the brute, or the motive of a coward.

But it is time to recollect that this vindication of human feeling began from an hypothesis,—­that the outward state of the mass of the Spanish people would be improved by the French usurpation.  To this I now give an unqualified denial.  Let me also observe to those men, for whose infirmity this hypothesis was tolerated,—­that the true point of comparison does not lie between what the Spaniards have been under a government of their own, and what they may become under French domination; but between what the Spaniards may do (and, in all likelihood, will do) for themselves, and what Frenchmen would do for them.  But,—­waiving this,—­the sweeping away of the most splendid monuments of art, and rifling of the public treasuries in the conquered countries, are an apt prologue to the tragedy which is to ensue.  Strange that there are men who can be so besotted as to see, in the decrees of the Usurper concerning feudal tenures and a worn-out Inquisition, any other evidence than that of insidiousness and of a constrained acknowledgement of the strength which he felt he had to overcome.  What avail the lessons of history, if men can be duped thus?  Boons and promises of this kind rank, in trustworthiness, many degrees lower than amnesties after expelled kings have recovered their thrones.  The fate of subjugated Spain may be expressed in these words,—­pillage—­depression—­and helotism—­for the supposed aggrandizement of the imaginary freeman its master.  There would indeed be attempts at encouragement, that there might be a supply of something to pillage:  studied depression there would be, that there might arise no power of resistance:  and lastly helotism;—­but of what kind? that a vain and impious Nation might have slaves, worthier than itself, for work which its own hands would reject with scorn.

What good can the present arbitrary power confer upon France itself?  Let that point be first settled by those who are inclined to look farther.  The earlier proceedings of the French Revolution no doubt infused health into the country; something of which survives to this day:  but let not the now-existing Tyranny have the credit of it.  France neither owes, nor can owe, to this any rational obligation.  She has seen decrees without end for the increase of commerce and manufactures; pompous stories without number of harbours, canals, warehouses, and bridges:  but there is no worse sign in the management of affairs