of iniquity was to be stormed, we have seen nothing
but a puny assault upon heaps of the scattered rubbish
of the fortress; nay, for the most part, on some accidental
mole-hills at its base. I do not speak thus in
disrespect to the Right Hon. Gentleman who headed this
attack. His mind, left to itself, would (I doubt
not) have prompted something worthier and higher:
but he moves in the phalanx of Party;—a
spiritual Body; in which (by strange inconsistency)
the hampering, weakening, and destroying, of every
individual mind of which it is composed—is
the law which must constitute the strength of the
whole. The question was—whether principles,
affecting the very existence of Society, had not been
violated; and an arm lifted, and let fall, which struck
at the root of Honour; with the aggravation of the
crime having been committed at this momentous period.
But what relation is there between these principles
and actions, and being in Place or out of it?
If the People would constitutionally and resolutely
assert their rights, their Representatives would be
taught another lesson; and for their own profit.
Their understandings would be enriched accordingly:
for it is there—there where least suspected—that
the want, from which this country suffers, chiefly
lies. They err, who suppose that venality and
corruption (though now spreading more and more) are
the master-evils of this day: neither these nor
immoderate craving for power are so much to be deprecated,
as the non-existence of a widely-ranging intellect;
of an intellect which, if not efficacious to infuse
truth as a vital fluid into the heart, might at least
make it a powerful tool in the hand. Outward
profession,—which, for practical purposes,
is an act of most desirable subservience,—would
then wait upon those objects to which inward reverence,
though not felt, was known to be due. Schemes
of ample reach and true benefit would also promise
best to insure the rewards coveted by personal ambition:
and men of baser passions, finding it their interest,
would naturally combine to perform useful service under
the direction of strong minds: while men of good
intentions would have their own pure satisfaction;
and would exert themselves with more upright—I
mean, more hopeful—cheerfulness, and more
successfully. It is not therefore inordinate
desire of wealth or power which is so injurious—as
the means which are and must be employed, in the present
intellectual condition of the Legislature, to sustain
and secure that power: these are at once an effect
of barrenness, and a cause; acting, and mutually re-acting,
incessantly. An enlightened Friend has, in conversation,
observed to the Author of these pages—that
formerly the principles of men wore better than they
who held them; but that now (a far worse evil!) men
are better than their principles. I believe it:—of
the deplorable quality and state of principles, the
public proceedings in our Country furnish daily new
proof. It is however some consolation, at this